Like I said in 2005: The Dems need to embrace economic populism, downplay cultural liberalism.
This election has shown that the Dems can’t win without the support of the white working class. (Yes, in terms of economic function and economic interest, there is only one transracial working class; but socioculturally, it is not so.) The white working class is, generally speaking and with regional variations, socially conservative. (For that matter, working-class blacks and Latinos and others tend to be socially conservative too.) Anything the Dems can do to win them over, without entirely abandoning their principles, is worth doing. Backing off on, say, gay marriage is not total abandonment of principles. WRT social issues, liberals should simply take comfort in the fact that time is on their side, albeit on a generational time-scale. The old religious-traditionalist view among the American population is slowly fading, even where religious belief itself is not. Someday opposition to gay marriage will seem quaint. Likewise with (very eventually) abortion. Gun control is a different matter – I know of no generational differences in attitudes there (perhaps someone can correct me) – but, let’s face it, liberals can afford to lose that one, indefinitely; gun violence, horrible and tragic as it is, is not an existential threat to America, nor is the gun culture necessarily an impediment to enactment of an economically liberal agenda. (Some RWs who talk of a “Second Amendment solution” assume it is just such an impediment, but they are both moronic and marginal, even within the RW; liberals can safely ignore that whole mess.)
Economic populism means, to some degree, embracing economic nationalism and rejecting the neoliberalism that has ruled the Democratic Party at least since 1992. It means having something approaching a real national industrial policy (something at which the Obama Admin has at least made a few half-assed attempts as emergency measures). It means doing whatever will grow industry and provide jobs in the U.S. It means coming down hard on outsourcing and offshoring. And it means treating immigration as a jobs issue rather than a racial/cultural issue. (Yes, I know it is mainly a racial/cultural issue to the RW, far more than it is a jobs issue; but liberals are not obliged to let them define the terms of the debate.)
It also means rehabilitating the concept of “class warfare” and spreading the truth that middle-class Americans, working-class Americans, working-poor Americans and underclass Americans all have a common enemy, or at least opponent-in-interests, in the overclass (very definitely including overclass liberals). It means demanding redistributive taxation (using exactly that word unashamedly).
Here’s why. Let’s look at the Pew Political Typology (2005 version; the Pew Center is planning to do another study late this year and publish the results in early 2011; but, past iterations have shown no very dramatic change from one to the next). Americans break down, politically, into the following nine broad groups (click link for fuller descriptions):
ENTERPRISERS
9% OF ADULT POPULATION
10% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 81% Republican, 18% Independent/No Preference, 1% Democrat (98% Rep/Lean Rep)
BASIC DESCRIPTION: As in 1994 and 1999, this extremely partisan Republican group’s politics are driven by a belief in the free enterprise system and social values that reflect a conservative agenda. Enterprisers are also the strongest backers of an assertive foreign policy, which includes nearly unanimous support for the war in Iraq and strong support for such anti-terrorism efforts as the Patriot Act.
SOCIAL CONSERVATIVES
11% OF ADULT POPULATION
13% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 82% Republican, 18% Independent/No Preference, 0% Democrat (97% Rep/Lean Rep)
BASIC DESCRIPTION: While supportive of an assertive foreign policy, this group is somewhat more religious than are Enterprisers. In policy terms, they break from the Enterprisers in their cynical views of business, modest support for environmental and other regulation, and strong anti-immigrant sentiment.
PRO-GOVERNMENT CONSERVATIVES
9% OF ADULT POPULATION
10% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 58% Republican, 40% Independent/No Preference, 2% Democrat (86% Rep/Lean Rep)
BASIC DESCRIPTION: Pro-Government Conservatives stand out for their strong religious faith and conservative views on many moral issues. They also express broad support for a social safety net, which sets them apart from other GOP groups. Pro-Government Conservatives are skeptical about the effectiveness of the marketplace, favoring government regulation to protect the public interest and government assistance for the needy. They supported George W. Bush by roughly five-to-one.
UPBEATS
11% OF ADULT POPULATION
13% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 56% Independent/No Preference, 39% Republican, 5% Democrat (73% Rep/Lean Rep)
BASIC DESCRIPTION: Upbeats express positive views about the economy, government and society. Satisfied with their own financial situation and the direction the nation is heading, these voters support George W. Bush’s leadership in economic matters more than on moral or foreign policy issues. Combining highly favorable views of government with equally positive views of business and the marketplace, Upbeats believe that success is in people’s own hands, and that businesses make a positive contribution to society. This group also has a very favorable view of immigrants.
DISAFFECTEDS
9% OF ADULT POPULATION
10% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 68% Independent/No Preference, 30% Republican, 2% Democrat (60% Rep/Lean Rep)
BASIC DESCRIPTION: Disaffecteds are deeply cynical about government and unsatisfied with both their own economic situation and the overall state of the nation. Under heavy financial pressure personally, this group is deeply concerned about immigration and environmental policies, particularly to the extent that they affect jobs. Alienated from politics, Disaffecteds have little interest in keeping up with news about politics and government, and few participated in the last election.
LIBERALS
17% OF GENERAL POPULATION
19% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 59% Democrat; 40% Independent/No Preference, 1% Republican (92% Dem/Lean Dem)
BASIC DESCRIPTION: This group has nearly doubled in proportion since 1999. Liberal Democrats now comprise the largest share of Democrats. They are the most opposed to an assertive foreign policy, the most secular, and take the most liberal views on social issues such as homosexuality, abortion, and censorship. They differ from other Democratic groups in that they are strongly pro-environment and pro-immigration.
CONSERVATIVE DEMOCRATS
14% OF ADULT POPULATION
15% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 89% Democrat, 11% Independent/No Preference, 0% Republican,(98% Dem/Lean Dem)
BASIC DESCRIPTION: Religious orientation and conservative views set this group apart from other Democratic-leaning groups on many social and political issues. Conservative Democrats’ views are moderate with respect to key policy issues such as foreign policy, regulation of the environment and the role of government in providing a social safety net. Their neutrality on assistance to the poor is linked, at least in part, to their belief in personal responsibility.
DISADVANTAGED DEMOCRATS
10% OF GENERAL POPULATION
10% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 84% Democrat; 16% Independent/No Preference, 0% Republican (99% Dem/Lean Dem)
BASIC DESCRIPTION: Least financially secure of all the groups, these voters are very anti-business, and strong supporters of government efforts to help the needy. Minorities account for a significant proportion of this group; nearly a third (32%) are black, roughly the same proportion as among Conservative Democrats. Levels of disapproval of George W. Bush job performance (91%) and candidate choice in 2004 (82% for Kerry) are comparable to those among Liberals.
BYSTANDERS
10% OF ADULT POPULATION
0% OF REGISTERED VOTERS
PARTY ID: 56% Independent/No Preference, 22% Republican, 22% Democrat
BASIC DESCRIPTION: These Americans choose not to participate in or pay attention to politics, or are not eligible to do so (non-citizens).
Now, of these:
The Enterprisers are the GOP’s real base. The Dems can’t hope to get their votes and shouldn’t bother.
The Social Conservatives are the Tea Party’s real base. (It’s really more a religious-right movement than the economic-libertarian movement it purports to be.) Aggressive economic populism from the Dems might drive a further wedge between them and the mainstream GOP; and if they form a third party that actually gets into Congress, the Dems will find at least some common ground with them on economic issues.
Pro-Government Conservatives, even more, should be attracted by an economic-populist agenda not coupled with social liberalism.
The Upbeats are not entirely in the GOP camp now. The Dems simply need to avoid driving them in that direction.
The Disaffecteds should be very amenable to an economic-populist agenda, it’s what they’ve been waiting for all their lives.
Liberals are a core the Dems can’t lose, because where else are they going to go? Ralph Nader? I hope that lesson is learned by now, and Liberals will stick by the Dems even if the Dems downplay social liberalism.
Conservative Democrats are a group the Dems need to avoid alienating at all costs. I shouldn’t be surprised if some went for Tea Party candidates this year. But economic populism, decoupled from social liberalism, would win them back.
Disadvantaged Democrats stand to benefit from economic populism more than anyone – the message should go out that the Democratic Party’s future direction is about people like them.
The Bystanders are always a tough nut to crack, but what goes for Disadvantaged Democrats also goes for most of them.
If the Democrats take this approach, they can build a semipermanent winning coalition.