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#101
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2. You are dramatically and materially distorting Morris' actual research, which stated that rather than the fiction that "the Arabs were driven out", the vast majority of refugees fled due to fighting in/around their villages and/or fear of the war coming to them. Perfectly understandable, and unsavory that you're trying to distort it, coupled with holding up Morris as a token Jew, to make your case. This would, or should, have been obvious to you if you'd read the work yourself rather than linking to a blurb on a site called "Palestineremembered.com" |
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#102
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I will ascribe the rest of your post to ignorance, both of Morris's position and my reason for accidentally citing a pro-Palestinian source when it came up first in a google search, which I covered in a followup post over an hour before you posted your bilge. Have a nice day. |
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#103
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On another note, you could simply admit your error, acknowledge that finding a Token Jew to support your point doesn't actually add any weight, and does reveal that your argument is being cast in racial terms. Or you can dig your heels in and see how well that works. Before, of course, you cleave too firmly the old bullshit line about how it's got to be a reliable/objective/whatever position about Israel because a Jew wrote it (hopefully you grok the mistake in your argument that little slip reveals), the Kapos would like to have a word with you. Of course, you're welcome to "ascribe the rest of my post to ignorance". It might even be a valid strategy, except for the fact that your claims are fictional, and trying to dodge a factual rebuttal with limp handwaving won't work for you. You'd know that, had you actually read the book. You were spitballing, and you got caught. Admit error and fix your position or pretend that despite Morris' own words, there's a book in an alternate universe somewhere which supports your claims. Additionally, it should be clear to virtually anybody why you went with the 'first hit on Google', didn't bother to verify its claims, were using search terms that somehow brought you to www.palestineremembered.com as your first hit, and didn't bother to provide an actual quote and instead just used their blurb as if that was a cogent argument you had constructed. Anybody who wants to check and see if your argument is fictional or if I'm "ignorant" can, for instance, go to page 589 onwards in the linked work (the one by Morris, not www.palestinerememered.com) and read Morris' actual conclusion, as distinct from your claims about it. Since you haven't read his book, can you please link to the original website which told you his argument was that the refugees were 'expelled'? Thanks. Quote:
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You brought a kazoo to a gun fight and argued a position from a base of ignorance, contending against Dopers who actually know the history. It happens. Fix your error, modify your position in accord with the evidence, and then go forth and sin no more. Last edited by FinnAgain; 05-06-2012 at 10:34 PM. |
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#104
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Well, it should be obvious by this point that religion is not the main reason for the conflict, except to the extent that religious identities equate to ethnic identities.
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#105
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Trying to close those barn doors, BG?
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#106
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Isn't it pretty obvious they are? That's the point that Benedict Anderson makes in his book "Imagined Communities", that national identities are social constructs, creating some sort of distinct identity that's just assumed, even though there's nothing beyond that to support it.
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#107
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As opposed to religious identities. |
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#108
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And all I used it for was to give the title and author of a book. In spite of that, when I realized that it was a tendentious website, I immediately apologized, an hour before your first post to me. I noted that Mr. Morris is Jewish so that his book would not be dismissed out of hand as mere anti-Semitic propaganda. When the subject is very controversial and prone to misinformation, argument against interest is at least an indicator of sincerity. Quote:
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Poor Finnagain, if he had just read that post, he wouldn't have embarrassed himself by posting gross distortions of the Morris book. Like this: Quote:
HIS words clearly show that "Jewish attack directly and indirectly triggered most of the exodus," which is exactly the definition of being driven out. It's not just the people whose houses you blow up that you are driving out, it's all the people ahead of them who don't want to wait for you to do the same to them. DIRECT (the word he actually used) attacks and psyops on a small number of people facilitate the DELIBERATE expulsion of a much larger number (which is why he did not use that word), as the wavefront expands. That is exactly what Morris was saying in your earlier quote. But for reasons we can only guess, you left off the concluding sentence of that paragraph: Quote:
I have made my point about the refugees, I am aware of your opinion of its worth, and I see no chance that we will ever agree, so I trust that this concludes our correspondence. Last edited by TonySinclair; 05-07-2012 at 02:15 AM. |
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#109
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For what it may be worth, I would agree with this to a large extent. As I said earlier, nations get invented all the time. The group known as "Palestinians" is not unique in this respect.
What's special about "Palestinians" is the motivation behind the invention, which is primarily to undermine Israel. |
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#110
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You're also rather obviously not comprehending the very basic substance of your error, or my argument, and have imagined me saying something about how Palestinian sources aren't credible. Reather obviously, if you're inventing nonsense about how I've said that you shouldn't quote a "Palestinian source", your argument's claims about the semantic value of any text should be ignored; if an argument contains imagined events, it's none too reliable. No idea how that happened as it would have been impossible if you were reading for comprehension. In any case, to clear up your ignorance: the point was not that you used a Palestinian source, but that you used an unreliable, inaccurate, partisan source and did not provide an actual citation for the book (which could have been found with 5 seconds googling) and instead used a partisan, inaccurate website and you presented its blurb as if it was a contribution to the discussion. Even your claim of your search terms just shows that you constructed an amazingly lazy argument. The 5th hit is the book itself. The 1st is an inaccurate, partisan blurb. You picked the 1st. As for you not comprehending what a blurb is, please google "blurb", I suppose. Quote:
So not only are you wrong, but you have decided to double down and in the fact of Morris' own words, you refuse to agree that he said what he said. Kay. Of course, "significant" does not, actually, contradict the fact that it was "small". The heart, for instance, is a "small" percentage of the human muscular structure, but it is "significant". That does not mean, however, that you could state that all muscle tissue is heart tissue, which is the exact fallacy you are committing when you claim that all refugees were expelled since, after all, a "small but significant" portion were expelled. Nor did I put any words into Morris' mouth. It's really a very shabby type of argument where you ignore everything that was cited and quoted (you still haven't read the book itself, have you?) and think that by ignoring it, it vanishes. I provided three paragraphs of solid quotations which show that they were not deliberately expelled, nor driven out, but left due to fighting in/around their villages. That's why you were left to try to claim that a small percentage, which was obviously not the 100% that you keep pretending, should somehow be given undue weight in terms of statistics since they were "significant". Quote:
Yet again, as I have pointed out, and as Moriss' argued, fighting in and around villages caused most of the refugees to flee. That is entirely consistent with the timetable of attacks carried out by the proton-Israelis. You do not understand what the term "driven out" means. It means to force someone to leave, to expel them. It is to force someone or something to leave. Fighting in/around villages is not expulsion, although as I cited, and you ignored, it did contribute to an atmosphere where getting the fuck out of Dodge made sense. Your claim that living in a war zone = being expelled would be laughable to most native English speakers. Low housing prices in Detroit, for example, have not "expelled" much of the populace. Ah, so now it was a campaign of house demolitions? How very... retcon. You've got Morris' actual book now, why don't you cite any such thing as a patten of organized house demolitions. Quote:
People fled a war zone. There wasn't a war zone in the towns/villages while Arab "irregulars" were attacking from them, because there was no fighting in the towns and villages. Once the proto-Israelis began attacking there, then the war zone moved to there, and people fled a war zone. Shocka. Quote:
On one hand, we have Morris' own words and research, showing the quite reasonable position that most people fled a war zone. On the other, we have your claim that people fleeing fighting in/around their villages should be considered "expelled", even though there were actual expulsions carried out in which people were actually forced to leave and those expulsions are a different category than those who fled due to fighting in and around their homes. Words have meaning in English, not reading for comprehension is no excuse for your sloppy arguments. |
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#111
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I myself do not think that pointing out the artificiality of Palestinian nationalism is a particularly telling point. To my mind, the clash between the two is one of simultaneously developing ethno-nationalism. The Palestinian one developed in part because ethno-nationalism was developing everywhere in the ME and in part in direct reaction to the Israeli ethno-nationalism. The Israeli variety had the advantage of developing earlier and being much better organized - it is in leadership that the Palestinian weakness is most evident, always has been. The Israelis managed to reign in and tame their extremists, while on the Palestinian side the choice has largely been between the extremists and the corrupt (in many cases, both). |
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#112
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#113
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Perhaps you think Palestinian nationalism fundamentally the same as Jewish nationalism. If so, you might ask yourself why the Palestinian leadership has announced that a Palestinian state would not grant citizenship or residency to "Palestinians" living in Lebanon, Syria, or Jordan. Or even to "Palestinians" living in "refugee" camps on the West Bank. |
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#114
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So Morris says that a minority were driven out due to explicit plans for expulsion. You claim that all of them were driven out due to a "deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing", and pretend that it's Morris' research that supports your claim. Yet more facts, if you like interviews instead of reading the book itself, at least you don't need to cite a newspaper which has had an editor go on record as saying that he believes Israel needs to be "raped". Quote:
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Tony: not only were the refugees expelled, but that it was a deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing Morris: what emerges from the wider reading that I did during the last few years before producing this new version of the book is that the loose talk, the occasional discussions about the subject, never amounted to anything concrete And you claim Morris' research supports you. And: Quote:
Let's check some more, shall we? Quote:
Surely he agrees with you that there is only one reason, and it was a deliberate policy of ethnic-cleansing. I'm lying about what his research shows, of course. You're correct. Quote:
Ah well, I guess I'm lost unless there are even more comments that show your argument is awful. Oh wait, there are. Quote:
Morris: "what emerges from the wider reading that I did during the last few years before producing this new version of the book is that the loose talk, the occasional discussions about the subject, never amounted to anything concrete" "There is the Arab charge that there was an overall Jewish policy of expulsion. This is what people like Sharif Kanaana continue to say, that there was an overall master plan for expulsion by the Zionists which was implemented in 1948. My feeling, based on the documentation, is that there was no blanket policy, no overall master plan for the expulsion of the Palestinians. This is not what was implemented in 1948." Yeah... I'm distorting Morris' work. Quote:
Care to retract and correct your argument, or going to double down again? |
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#115
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What I meant was that the fact that it is "invented" isn't significant for undermining its legitimacy. What is significant isn't the process for how nationalism came to be, but the fact that people hold to it today. For similar reasons, I find the aguments but out by the anti-Israeli types - which can be boiled down to that there was unfairness in the formation of the Israeli state - to be unpersuasive. The significant fact is that Israel exists *right now*. While it is interesting to argue about stuff like Turkish land-holding patterns under the Ottomans, and whether or not early Zionists legitimately bought the land they used (or in contrast ignored the usifructary rights of arab villagers), that stuff surely has no bearing on what ought to happen now, going forward, today. It isn't like modern-day Israelis are going to say "oh my, this learned discussion of landowning rights in the late 19th century has really opened my eyes - I'll pack my bags and go right back to my great-grandfather's shtetl in Poland now". Similarly, even if it could be proved (which I doubt) that Palestinian nationalism was merely a cynical device sneakily imposed on Palestinians as a stealth weapon against Israel, that has only historic interest - as there is no doubt that, whatever the origins, Palestinians feel like a "nation" now, and so must be dealt with as one. Quote:
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#116
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#117
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Now suppose you announce that you are founding the Church of Malthus which requires its adherents to take the day off from work to go to a strip club. Does that make your request any more legitimate? Probably not and if you made a legal issue out of it, you would probably get laughed out of court. Of course, one could point out that both traditions are "invented," but does that make them equally legitimate? No, because what's different is the underlying reason for the invention. "Palestinians" are exactly analogous to the Church of Malthus. There was no serious push for Palestinian self-determination until it was a convenient way to attack Israel. Quote:
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#118
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It was Egyptian and Jordanian actions which crushed any Palestinian statehood, but the idea that Palestinian nationalism was an invention to destroy Israel is still false. Black September speaks to that fact and should remind many people, especially those who claim that Israel took the majority of the Mandate, that Transjordan held, and Jordan now holds, the supermajority of territory involved. |
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#119
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#120
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Last edited by FinnAgain; 05-07-2012 at 11:22 AM. |
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#121
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Even assuming that Palestinian nationalism was originally founded with cynical purposes (and I do not think that the facts bear this out - used by some for cynical purposes yes, but it was an indigenous example of ethno-nationalism) - that is, even assuming you are right - it has no bearing on the question. The better analogy would be if someone was able to prove beyond a doubt that Joseph Smith, founder of the Mormon religion, was a con man. That simply does not prevent today's Mormons from being sincerely religious, any more than if Jesus was a con man (or never existed at all) de-legitimizes modern Christians. The problem with your "church of Malthus" analogy is that the same person doing the conning wants to reap the "benefit" of legitimacy. That is not the case with Palestinians (again, even assuming your historical contention could be proved). |
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#122
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Moderating
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Do not do it again. [ /Moderating ] |
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#123
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And, of course, just to highlight the veracity of my claims:
Tony (on Morris' research): "not only were the refugees expelled, but that it was a deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing" Morris (on Morris' research): "What emerges from the wider reading that I did during the last few years before producing this new version of the book is that the loose talk, the occasional discussions about the subject, never amounted to anything concrete" "There is the Arab charge that there was an overall Jewish policy of expulsion. This is what people like Sharif Kanaana continue to say, that there was an overall master plan for expulsion by the Zionists which was implemented in 1948. My feeling, based on the documentation, is that there was no blanket policy, no overall master plan for the expulsion of the Palestinians. This is not what was implemented in 1948." In fact, even in the interview that Tony cited, he is dramatically misreading Morris' words as he does not grok the context (nor the impact of the fact that Morris was responding on the spot to a somewhat hostile interviewer). What Morris actually means when he talks about expulsion is not driving Arabs out, but in refusing to allow them back in. Morris: "once they had left their villages and the country, and then tried to come back and were barred - that is the point where one can talk of a policy of expulsion. "
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Hohohoho, Mister Finn, you're going to be Mister Finnagain! Comeday morm and, O, you're vine! Sendday's eve and, ah you're vinegar! Hahahaha, Mister Funn, you're going to be fined again! |
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#124
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Malthus:
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#125
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The organized movement for Palestinian-landholding-as-a-nation was tainted by the rejectionist ideology and nature of the early PLO which was set on reclaiming "Palestine" from the Israelis while the West Bank and Gaza (and Jordan) were still Arab possessions. Of course, in '70, a Palestinian faction also tried to take over Jordan. Unfortunately, the discussion is not ended once we determine what faction(s) held what view(s) at what points, and frankly it's a bit irrelevant at this point. A negotiated compromise will have to be based on a just and lasting peace, and not so much on whether or not the Grand Mufti was a schmuck. |
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#126
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You are mixing cause and effect here. A compromise is not "based on a just and lasting peace". The "just and lasting peace" may be based on compromise. Not in this area of the world, though. It will never happen. The Arabs refuse to consider Jews' supremacy on any piece of the land that they consider theirs. And Jews refuse to become dhimmis.
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#127
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After all, Jews themselves had a "legitimate" pre-existing identity based on attachement to what is now Israel. If no-one ever started the Zionist project, that would not have sufficed to give them rights. "Next year in Jerusalem" is not enough. The problem here is that of course more than one group can have legitimate pre-existing identification. What confers rights, in my opinion, is provable ownership, subject to some notion of historical "latches" (a common-law term meaning that rights however legitimate fade over time). Israelis have rights to Israel because they are there. Palestinians who are not Israelis but whose ancestors used to own bits in Israel have rights, fading over time, to compensation for their loss. This formula makes sense of the numerous historical dislocations which have occurred in pretty well every nation. We cannot at this juncture hand the US back to the Native Americans even if their dispossession was fully unjust; nor can we remove the Poles from what was once Prussia or return the Pakistanis to India. Quote:
Note I say "compensation" and not (say) moving the borders. Rights belong to individuals. Borders are matters of peace and war and political compromise. |
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#128
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My claim was that according to Morris, the Palestinians were driven out, rather than voluntarily leaving. Your unfortunate example shows that they indeed left for a multiplicity of reasons: being fired at, being bombed, being massacred, and avoiding a full-scale battle. Sounds voluntary to me! The book I cited clearly shows that the Palestinians were driven out, and the interview I cited clearly shows that Morris called it ethnic cleansing. In your desperation, besides all the innuendo about my nefarious use of Jewish or Palestinian sources (and I'm still not clear on which you think is worse), you blame me for not anticipating every nuance he put on that in subsequent books and interviews. You earlier claimed that he never said there was an expulsion, and now you triumphantly claim vindication when in a later interview, he clearly says the Palestinians were driven out, but that the expulsion was, in his view, not technically complete until they were not allowed to return. But they weren't allowed to return, were they, so how is that not an expulsion? His bottom line, from your latest source, is this: "In general, the Arabs fled as a result of direct Jewish attack or an attack in the neighborhood. It was the same in the countryside and towns. So one can probably safely say that, though there were other reasons, the major precipitant to the flight of the Arabs of Palestine throughout the war was Jewish attack or what was felt to be the threat of imminent attack by Jewish forces." In other words, they were driven out. Knowing you, you'll move heaven and earth to find an example of a Palestinian who left voluntarily, and then make another 20 posts claiming vindication, but you're fooling only yourself. You also seem incapable of grasping the difference between a formal policy and a deliberate policy. I never claimed that expulsion was written into the Israeli constitution, I just claimed that it was a deliberate policy. And Morris confirms that, in the same source: "On the 6th or 7th of February 1948, Ben Gurion gives a speech in which he says that in western Jerusalem there were no Arabs left anywhere. And he adds this sentence - and this is the crucial point at which I think he understands what is happening - if we continue as we are - in other words, fighting - and we hold fast to our positions and fight properly, there will be vast demographic changes throughout the country. This is what happened in Jerusalem. It will happen elsewhere around the country. These are Ben-Gurion’s words. At this point, he begins to think of exploiting the situation. If they are already moving by themselves without a Jewish policy of moving them, per¬haps with a little more deliberate nudging we can get even more to leave. So in terms of the leader of the Yishllv Oewish community), the vital change I think, if there is a change, occurs in February 1948. He understands that we have to exploit the situation to establish the Jewish state and to increase its ter¬ritory beyond what the United Nations had earmarked for Jewish statehood. The change among other leaders was slower. Ben-Gurion acted as a lob¬byist and was also able to instruct and order the military establishment under his command about what he wanted. You can see the change occur¬ring among other Israeli leaders and officials from April onwards. Up to then, they were thinking in terms of the Arabs staying. Then they, too, adopted the idea of exploiting the military situation in order to evacuate the Arabs." I don't know what else to call driving Arabs out, and then not letting them back, based on a strategy originating with Ben-Gurion, other than a deliberate policy of expulsion. But nobody else is following this, and I know you will never admit you're wrong, so I'm done. Last edited by TonySinclair; 05-07-2012 at 01:50 PM. |
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#129
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TonySinclair, your problem (insofar as I understand the debate) is that you are attempting to make a moral point - that the Israelis were responsible for the Palestinians leaving, as a "a deliberate policy of expulsion".
However, the cites you & Finn keep posting do not show that. What they show, is that the Palestinian civilians left, generally speaking, because they were afraid of the consequences of the battles raging around them [I assume the Israeli civilians did not leave for the same reason because they had nowhere to go]. This makes good factual sense - hell, if I was a Palestinian in that time & place, I'd have left too, for the same reason. Especially as the smart money was on the Israelis being defeated by the numerous Arab armies facing them, but after what looked to be a grim fight. No doubt some Israeli leaders were delighted to see Arab civilians leaving, and said so. Others were not. What you are missing was just how chaotic and close-to-the-wire the '48 war was. Mostly what the Israeli leaders cared about was surviving. The notion that the Israelis engaged in a deliberate policy of expulsion has been repeatedly canvassed by historians. The problem has always been that, because of the chaotic nature of the battle, the contradictory things said by the actors on all sides at the time and since, and the high degree of polemics surrounding the matter afterwards, people have subsequently been able to read whatever they wanted into the record. Morris attempted to settle the matter by looking into specific cases, and overall his conclusions were that the Arab civilians left as a consequence of the battles (including some attrocities committed by Israelis), but that there was not a deliberate policy of expulsion. |
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#130
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I notice that even when provided with direct textual evidence that you have materially and egregiously misrepresented Morris' position, you neither admit error nor modify you position. Curious, that.
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You are, likewise, materially distorting Morris' actual argument. Saying that some of the proto-Israeli leadership decided that "with a little more deliberate nudging we can get even more to leave" is a policy of expulsion is an absurdity. A teacher who, for example, makes his tests very hard so as to get lazy students to drop his class is not, in fact, "expelling" his students from his class. The facts show you are wrong. You can admit it and move on, if you'd like. Your fictional narrative does a grave disservice to the causes of peace and factual accuracy. That the proto-Israelis did indeed expel the residents of numerous villages in accordance with Plan D is fact. You have been shown that 10's of thousands left on the own accord before war even started, and yet you still haven't modified your claim that they, too, were "expelled". Retract your errors, fix them, move on. It's simple. |
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#131
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Can someone cut through the crap and just summarize things, here? Who's mostly to blame?
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#132
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The Dutch.
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#133
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Someone posted the history of the Mid-East conflict in a few lines, which seemed to think that the Balfour Declaration was justification for founding modern Israel, and I posted a brief rebuttal. After I posted it, I was rereading his post, and I decided to respond to another one of his points, namely: "In 1948 the United Nations created Israel and Palestine. Immediately the Arab nations attacked. The Palestinian Arabs were told to temporarily get out with promises of spoils of war once it was all over." I had read Benny Morris's book some 20 years ago, so I edited my post to add that a Jewish historian had refuted the idea that the Palestinian exodus was largely voluntary. At first I could remember neither the title or author, but then "Morris" popped into my head, and I thought it would be good to give a link to the actual book. But by this time, my post was over four minutes old, so I knew I only had seconds, and grabbed the first link that came up in my google search for the book and added it to the post. If the mods can trace post edits, they can verify at least the posting sequence. OK so far. People could read the book or not, as they chose. But after I posted, and too late to edit, I noticed that the link was to a tendentious website, and apologized for it, and also posted an excerpt of an interview with Morris, to show that he was actually very hard line with regard to Palestinians, but still had the intellectual integrity to acknowledge that they were driven out. Finnagain took it upon himself to decide that inadvertent use of a Palestinian link showed that I was, in his words, "slimy," and that this was further confirmed by the fact that I mentioned Morris was Jewish, which in his mind was a very racist thing to do. It escalated from there. I don't know what his problem is, and I don't care. I think I (and, inadvertently, he) have provided abundant evidence to show that, even if a policy of expulsion was not the cornerstone of the original master plan of Herzl in 1895, it had certainly become a strategy of Ben-Gurion's by early 1948. People are, of course, entitled to disagree. They are not entitled to call me a slimy racist. Last edited by TonySinclair; 05-07-2012 at 02:35 PM. |
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#134
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"But I got a black man to talk about Africa. Why is the argument not stronger?" Quote:
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And yet again: Morris (on Morris' research): "What emerges from the wider reading that I did during the last few years before producing this new version of the book is that the loose talk, the occasional discussions about the subject, never amounted to anything concrete" "There is the Arab charge that there was an overall Jewish policy of expulsion. This is what people like Sharif Kanaana continue to say, that there was an overall master plan for expulsion by the Zionists which was implemented in 1948. My feeling, based on the documentation, is that there was no blanket policy, no overall master plan for the expulsion of the Palestinians. This is not what was implemented in 1948." Last edited by FinnAgain; 05-07-2012 at 02:46 PM. |
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#135
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What possible legitimate reason is there for such a decision? |
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#136
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Thank you for your response, which raises a couple questions for me:
First, are you saying that Rashid Khalidi is sufficiently authoritative that his conclusions should be accepted without scrutiny of the original sources? Second, if there was a serious push for "Palestinian" self-determination in the 20s and 30s, do you agree that there would have been congresses, organizations, newspaper reports, and other indicia just like there were Zionist congresses, Zionist organizations, and coverage of these events? |
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#137
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#138
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Waal, first, 'twas the Hatfields; and first, 'twas the McCoys; or perhaps it were the other way about.
Last edited by BrainGlutton; 05-07-2012 at 08:04 PM. |
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#139
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#140
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In that case, I would say that you have not sustained your claim.
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Let me ask you a slightly different question: In the 1920s and 1930s, what was the most prominent group or organization which pushed for "Palestinian" self-determination? |
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#141
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Yeah, I don't think I'm going to play this game. I'd forgotten how unsavory your series of fetch-quests-because-you'd-rather-not-track-down-the-info-yourself are.
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#142
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I didn't think you would -- as far as I can tell there isn't evidence to sustain your claim.
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You are claiming that there was a serious push for "Palestinian" self-determination before it became convenient to do so in order to undermine Israel. However, you have not pointed to a single newspaper article from the 1920s or 30s to support your claim. You have not been able to identify a single organization the purpose of which was to push for "Palestinian" self-determination. You have not pointed to a single congress. Heck, you have not even pointed to a rally or demonstration. In short, you seem to have substituted your own wishes for reality. |
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#143
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I have little enough patience for partisan hacks on the anti-Israel side. I'm certainly not going to waste my time with someone whose argument is wilfully ignorant and who routinely puts the word Palestinian in scare quotes. Being anti-Palestinian doesn't make your tactics any more palatable. |
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#144
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Of course I have. But there is a limit on what I can do to prove a negative.
Anyway, if your claim is even remotely true it should not be too hard for you to point to an organization. Or at least a demonstration or rally or two. Quote:
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Again my question: In the 1920s and 1930s, what was the most prominent group or organization which pushed for "Palestinian" self-determination? And if you refuse to answer, does that make my argument "wilfully ignorant"? |
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#145
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Is the land Palestine's or Israel's? Both?
My understanding is that the Jewish influx was fairly recent, thus pissing off the previous inhabitants who feel like the US is siding with those who would drive them out of their lands. Last edited by FixMyIgnorance; 05-08-2012 at 08:43 AM. |
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#146
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What "the land"?
As there was never a sovereign state of Palestine, and it was subsumed in an administrative district during the Ottoman Empire, there was no state to claim the land as its possession. During the Ottoman Empire, private land ownership was the exception, not the norm. Most people who lived in the Levant were renters who gained use of the land only by continued cultivation of the land. Is that, then, "Palestinian land"? Why or why not? Groups like Hamas claim all land ever conquered by Islamic forces as a Waqf, is that "Arab land"? Why or why not? As the majority of land in the Levant was state-owned land, and Israel is now the sovereign state with jurisdiction over the land within its borders, does that make it "Israeli land"? Why or why not? |
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#147
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Aside from the fact that whole “Palestinians are invented” meme is part and parcel of effort to dehumanize Palestinians and make their deaths and suffering less human, therefore less significant, you really don’t care who they really are. I mean, it could have been anyone. You feel that there is a well-defined and well-funded movement where propaganda, media and political process intertwine with overtones of racism, ethnic discrimination and name calling which you can belong to instantly as soon as you start to use and promulgate its major “talking points”. You really don’t think what the impact of those talking points is – you just keep repeating and inventing new ways to “argue” them. The guy is telling you to tone it down for the sake of validity of some of his points but you refuse. With indignation, I might add. Otherwise, it’s fantastic to read this exchange. |
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#148
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And why do you think it is that the "Palestinian" leadership has announced that a "Palestinian" state would not offer citizenship to "Palestinians" living in "refugee camps" on the West Bank? And if you really care about the suffering of the "Palestinians," why aren't you criticizing Lebanon for its intense discrimination against "Palestinians"? |
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#149
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You need to explain what you mean by "Palestine," "the land", and also what you mean by your apostrophe s.
In my opinion, the areas commonly referred to as "Israel," the "West Bank", "Gaza", "Golan Heights," and "Jordan" have been occupied and resided in by so many different groups over the years that it's not reasonable to say that the area is "Group X's" Quote:
Last edited by brazil84; 05-08-2012 at 10:31 AM. |
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#150
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The land was originally the Turk's, until WW1 and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, which was then taken under control by a British "mandate". Hence my comments above about the uselessness of this whole line of inquiry. It inevitably ends up with learned (but heated) disussions of land-use legalities under multiple systems of law, in some cases of jurisdictions which no longer exist - such as the Ottoman - British mandatory policies, the renuciation of rights by the Jordanians over significant portions of it, etc. ad nauseum. It's a complex subject with many nuances, and in a sense it doesn't really matter - what matters is that the Israelis currently occupy the land, most of them by now were born there, and have no-where to go; while on the other side the Palestinains feel they have a legitimate claim to the same land. On the one hand the "settlers" are trying to expand the reach of Israeli ownership by nook-and-corner encroachment, and the Israeli state by occupying strategic bits should a new war occur; on the other, the Palestinians are hoping for some reversal of fortune that enables them to chuck the Israelis out (but fortune has, if anything, made their situation ever more hopeless as time goes on). The moral calculus is complicated by the fact that about half the Israeli population is composed of Jews from the Middle East - they were forced out of their countries by local hostility, largely as a result of Israeli success - and these folks (or their desendants) really have no hope of moving back. |
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