Maybe not NEVER. William Howard Taft served one term, and got to appoint a phenomenal 6 Supreme Court Justices. Interesting, considering that Taft was later appointed Chief Justice by Warren Harding (possibly the only good thing Harding did during his presidency). Taft followed his own appointment as Chief Justice, and initially presided over a court which still had 2 of his own appointees on it.
That wasn’t FDR’s plan.
Enforcing a mandatory retirement age on Article III federal judge would require a constitution amendment; 2/3rds of each house of Congress* and 3/4ths of the state legislatures** would need to go along. Increasing the size of the Supreme Court ay authorizing an additional judgeship for each judge to reaches a certain age (which is what FDR proposed) only takes an act of Congress.
*Or a national constitutional convention called by petition of 2/3rds of the state legislatures.
**Or state conventions elected for the specific purpose of ratifying the proposed amendment.
If Congress says the president gets to name up to six more justices, then the president gets to name up to six more justices. If Congress says the president gets to stack the Supreme Court, then the president gets to stack the Supreme Court. That’s perfectly constitutional.
Or take away Justices so the President cannot appoint any like they did with Andrew Johnson.
That is correct. In fact, a couple of posters here on this thread appear to be labouring under this misapprehension.
Of course there are. Ever since the Case of Proclamations, it’s been clear that the Crown does not have any independent legislative powers. Whatever legislative powers the Crown may once have had have been subsumed in the legislative powers of Parliament.
Since political parties and elections are governed by statute law passed by Parliament (Representation of the People Act 1983), the Crown does not have any authority to abolish elections or political parties.
No. Just no. In addition to the fact that the Crown lacks any legislative powers, since the Bill of Rights of 1689, it is clear that the Crown cannot suspend the operation of any statute, nor dispense an individual from obeying a statute. As well, the Crown cannot spend public money unless authorised to do so by an Appropriations Act passed by Parliament. This implements the ancient principle of “grievance before supply”, namely that the monarch must summon Parliament and hear from the representatives of the people before Parliament will grant “supply” i.e. the money needed by the Crown to run the government.
Thus:
• if statute law restricts citizens from owning firearms, Her Majesty cannot suspend that statutory prohibition.
• Her Majesty cannot spend a million pounds of public money unless an Appropriations Act authorises that the money be spent;
• if a particular vaccine has not been approved for public use, Her Majesty cannot suspend that prohibition;
• if particular foreign nationals are barred by statute from entering Britain, Her Majesty cannot dispense them from obeying that law;
• lacking legislative powers, Her Majesty cannot impose a quarantine on her own initiative.
Yes, of course there is. The courts are open for business and have the power to review any purported exercise of the Royal Prerogative and ensure that Her Majesty does in fact have the authority she says she is exercising. If Her Majesty is purporting to legislate, the Case of Proclamations is clear precedent for the courts to declare the royal legislation to be of no effect. If Her Majesty is purporting to suspend a law, or dispense with its operation with respect to a particular individual, the courts can declare that such measures are contrary to the statutory limits on Her Majesty set out in the Bill of Rights, and of no effect.