In Canada, I doubt that a Trump could take over an established party, because the selection process is quite different. In the major parties, leadership is not a popular vote, but an internal party vote. As well, the voting system is weighted nationally to ensure broad support from party members, and the voting system uses ranked ballots, so it’s not possible to win all of a riding’s votes by a bare plurality.
There is a leadership contest going on right now in the federal Conservative Party, so I’ll use that as an example.
Candidates have to pay a filing fee of $100,000, of which $50,000 is refundable. They have to be nominated by 300 party members, representing at least 30 constituencies from at least seven different provinces. And they have to be party members at least six months before the vote. And they have to file a 40 page disclosure statement with the party committee supervising the election. The party can disallow a person from running. I can’t imagine that power being used against a legitimate candidate; more likely to be used against a crank or someone with a long history with another party, would be my guess.
None of those requirements strike me as particularly difficult to meet. However, it’s the voting system that makes it more difficult for an outsider to be elected, in my opinion.
To vote in the election, an individual has to be a member of the party at least two months before the vote is held in May 2017. To be a party member, you have to sign up and pay a membership fee of $15, by cheque or credit card. These rules are designed to prevent “Insta-Tories”, people who suddenly sign up at the last minute, organised by supporters of a candidate who make a bulk payment in cash for the memberships of a bus load of people. (I’m not making that up; it’s happened.). The individual cheque or credit card/no cash requirement ensures that there is a paper trail and makes it much more difficult to have sudden bulk sign-ups. The goal is to have committed party members, not bulk Insta-Tories who may be a biddable voting bloc organised by supporters of a particular candidate.
Then the voting. There are 338 electoral districts, or “ridings” in the federal House of Commons. The party vote is conducted in each riding. Eligible party members cast a ranked ballot, voting for the candidates of their choice. If a candidate doesn’t get a certain threshold of votes in a riding after the first tabulation, the ballots for that candidate are re-counted with the second choice being added to the vote totals for another candidate. Anyone who gets over the minimum number of votes gets a portion of the riding’s points in the final tabulation.
This is another important point: it’s not the number of ballots cast that determine the leadership: it’s the ballots cast per riding. Each riding is assigned 100 points, and those points are allocated by the local ranked ballot vote in that riding. The reason for this requirement is that it’s designed to favour a candidate with broad party support nationally. The number of registered party members can vary tremendously by riding, often on a regional basis. For example, the Conservative Party is very strong in the western provinces, middling in Ontario and currently pretty weak in Quebec and the Atlantic provinces. But you can’t win a national parliamentary election just by being strong in the west. You need a candidate with broad support. So each riding gets 100 points, regardless of the number of party members in that riding. A candidate who polls really high amongst voters in one region, and abysmally low with voters in another, will not get elected.
So overall, I think that the combination of the ranked ballot, which allows voters to have second and third choices, would count against an outsider like Trump. As well, the need to win in a lot of ridings also counts against an outsider. Party experience and connections counts a lot in this system.
One final point is that even if a person with little track record in the party does win the leadership, that doesn’t guarantee success as leader, if the party caucus is generally opposed to the new leader. Unlike the US presidential system, the leader of a party cannot survive in office without substantial support from the elected members of the party caucus. Consider the travails of Jeremy Corbin as Labour leader in the UK for instance: he has broad support from party members, but lots of opposition within his party caucus. That situation will eventually be resolved, but in the interim it makes Labour extremely ineffective in Opposition.
This point is also illustrated by the fate of Allison Redgrave, a recent Premier of Alberta. She was a Member of the Legislative Assembly but not very wel-known. When the party leadership came open, ran as sort of second tier candidate. There were strong first tier candidates locked in battle. Redgrave benefitted from the ranked ballot system because she was the second or third choices of supporters of the first tier candidates, and came up the middle. However, she did not have much support within the party caucus, whose members were supporting the various first tier candidates. For example, only one other MLA supported her during the leadership run. That meant that once she won the party leadership and became Premier, she didn’t have much support in caucus. When things started to go pear-shaped in the usual Hurley-burley of governing, she found herself with little real support in caucus. She ended up resigning before the conclusion of the normal term.