msmith537: “I love it when people trivialize economic issues. Especially since solving just about every other issue requires a strong economy.”
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The economic issues pale beside the loss of life and property engendered by war. If you disagree with this, please say so - though I would henceforth wonder about your, um, morality.
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Actually WWII went just fine coming off the period of greatest economic weakness in the US. Full scale wars can be conducted in a noninflationary manner when the economy has excess capacity, like it has now.
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BTW: Stock market strength does not equal “strong economy”. Not that you said that it did.
Tit for tat with december
--------Actually, we do not know that Saddam will give up his WMDs in any circumstances at all.
Actually, Saddam gave up quite a few of his WMDs during the 1990s. Of course, some were taken out with bombs. But most were taken out with inspections (and, less widely noted, defections).
-------Contrary to the implication above, Bush and the UK have said over and over that they are prepared to attack Iraq without UN authorization.
Um, I don’t get that “implication”: I read, “the United States wants international support for military action if it can possibly achieve it.” Emphasis added for clarity.
-------It’s more likely that cooperation will engender more cooperation. Especially, after we actually display the huge stores of WMDs. At that point, doves will be embarrassed and hawks will be vindicated.
If things go well. If they don’t, not. I’ll give you half credit for this one. The serious underlying point I would like to stress is that we’re dealing with decision making under intrinsic uncertainty here.
--------A failure to make war engenders these same risks; it delays the time to a point where Iraq might finally have nukes, making the risk much greater.
I hope to discuss this later.
------We have already seen that the risk of a multinational military did not lead Iraq to disarm. Why would Iraq cooperate and disarm under the Carnegie proposal?
Disarmament occurs as the weapons are found, like it happened during the 1990s.
--------quote:1. Put the right people in the field.It’s dubious that this could be done within the UN structure. There’s too much politics there.
I think Butler did a commendable job, given the resources that he had.
--------quote:2. Get the U-2s flying. Of course we should. And, Iraq’s failure to let them fly violates UNR 1441. Why would Iraq obey now?
From today’s NYT (Sat): “And both Mr. Blix and Dr. ElBaradel, the chief nuclear inspector. said they were satisfied with terms Iraq laid down for overflights by U-2, Mirage and Antonov surveillance aircraft and German pilotless drone aircraft”.
So, clearly General december has shown himself to be a serial miscalculator with regards to Iraqi behavior. Can we trust december with the bomb? “I don’t think so”, Admiral flowbark opines: he recommends that december be removed from the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
--------This entire proposal has a basic contradiction. We would need a level of intrusiveness that locates and destroys pretty much all of Iraq’s WMDs. For 12 years, Saddam has shown that he will not give up his WMDs under any threat. Also, given the nature of his regime, there’s no way that he would allow this level of intrusiveness.
Actually, the Carnegie proposal allows for war if Saddam vacillates. And Saddam did disarm during the 1990s, after weapons were found. If Saddam is really like you say he is, the Endowment’s plan loses little, as war proceeds forthwith. You need a fundamental rethink.
------The Carnegie proposal is dangerous. If it were tried, it would probably muddle along ineffectively, without preventing Iraq from continuing their store of WMDs. This is the worst of possibilities.
Ah, no. I can think of much worse scenarios.