You guys are confusing modern day talk about Federal government with the reality of State power. The Federal government needed some specific, enumerated power that would allow it to say “hey, purchase or have insurance or qualify for an exemption as laid out in the PPACA, or we penalize you come tax time with this fine.” The Federal government has no power that is not specifically enumerated to it, so for the individual mandate to stand there had to be some link between that piece of the law and recognized enumerated powers of the Federal government.
I believe (not going to look it up and going from half-remembered second hand commentary) that the administration’s argued position before the SCOTUS was that the enumerated power that gave the Federal government the right to do this was the interstate commerce clause which gives the Federal government the authority to make laws and regulate interstate commerce. It was a good choice on which to build your case, because the commerce clause has been very notably one that the SCOTUS has frequently interpreted very, very broadly and thus has been the cornerstone of most successful expansions of Federal power in the 20th century. In a rare case where the SCOTUS disagreed with a commerce clause assertion by the executive branch, they actually said that no, the commerce clause would not provide for an individual mandate. However, since the mandate was enforced through a tax, the mandate itself just constituted a type of tax–and thus was constitutional under the Federal government’s specific power to tax (enshrined in the core constitution for some types of taxes, and in a constitutional amendment for income taxes.)
State and city governments don’t have at all the same situation. For States they have the following questions you’d have to ask to determine if the state law was not allowed/legal:
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First and foremost–does this law violate anything in the State Constitution. This is first and foremost because most constitutional challenges of State laws begin in the State court system, and thus if something is clearly against a State constitution it would be most likely struck down by the State supreme court before it ever made it to the Federal supreme court.
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Is there anything in the U.S. Constitution (understand this includes the body of jurisprudence) that prohibits the type of government action the State is trying to effect in its legislation? Note that this is basically Bill of Rights type protections, as well as a few other scattered protections in other amendments (the main body of the constitution doesn’t have much in it that limits State action in many areas.)
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Does the law directly conflict with Federal statute or treaties entered into by the U.S. government?
If the answer to any of those is “yes” then the law would be unconstitutional. But again, you’d have to find specific prohibitions. For example a State can’t abolish free speech because of the first amendment. But a State can ban alcohol because nothing in the U.S. Constitution says it cannot, and if nothing in the State Constitution prohibits it a municipality, county, or State could ban alcohol possession or consumption etc.
The Federal government cannot ban alcohol because none of its enumerated powers would grant it that power. When Prohibition was enacted they had to pass a Constitutional amendment for the specific reason that there could be no legislation that would pass constitutional muster sans-amendment, that would have allowed Congress to ban the sale, distribution, manufacture etc of alcohol. When the amendment was repealed, all it did was put us back to where we started–the Federal government having no legal authority to ban alcohol. But the repeal did not create a right to alcohol at the constitutional level, so States can still ban it as they please.
For local governments (municipal and county), basically all of the above questions apply plus a few extra. Namely State Constitutions will typically stipulate how localities and the State government interact/intersect, in some States all of it is very centralized and municipalities have very limited “home rule” in others, they can pass any ordinance that doesn’t conflict with State law. There is usually a governing charter or similar document for county/municipal governments that also has some restrictions on what ordinances can and cannot be passed.
But in practice, this leaves a vast amount of actions or policies which are not prohibited by any Federal constitutional provision, Federal law, or State constitution and thus can be freely enacted by States and localities. Alcohol bans are a good example, I’m not sure if there is any true dry county left in America (although I believe some Indian Reservations are), but that’s just because of shifting local opinion. As recently at least as my childhood there were true dry counties. “True” dry county means it’s basically like prohibition is still going on, which means you can’t serve it, can’t sell it at retail, and can’t even possess it. I think the most restrictive outside of Indian Reservation areas that you see now is some counties do not allow businesses to serve alcohol, retail sale alcohol, and there are limits on how much you can transport privately at one time.
So to the issue of being required to shovel snow. It would appears:
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At least partially this is more of a civil violation as it’s being referenced in this thread, meaning it’s just a civil offense and not a criminal offense. Which makes it a different consideration. You generally have even less protections in terms of what sort of civil offenses can be levied against you–but likewise government has less power over you for a civil offense. [Red light cameras are typically civil offenses, and thus in many if not most places are not enforceable through the police power of the court system but instead is a bill collections type process where you may eventually get wage garnishment or the matter turned over to a collections agency if you refuse to pay.]
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Lets say at least some such laws are not just civil offenses, but criminal matters, and the State is basically using its police power to compel you to do labor for the public good. There in theory are a few things this might violate, most prominently the 13th Amendment. Well, you guys aren’t the first ones to follow this line of thought. People who wanted to avoid being drafted into WWI had a similar line of thinking that, “ah ha, this is no longer constitutional since we have the 13th Amendment”, but the court has rejected the argument out of hand and firmly established conscription is a long established, ancient power of government, intrinsic to government’s ability to raise armies and conduct wars and after that the SCOTUS has mostly not even addressed the issue as lower courts dismiss similar suits pretty rapidly.
I do not know if the specific concept of conscription for labor has been so thoroughly addressed. But as has been mentioned, it’s an extremely established but no longer common practice, dating back to Colonial America and having continued at least into the late 19th century in America and possibly early 20th. It was even much more onerous than the sidewalk shoveling requirement, because you were formally conscripted into works crews and had to actually spend a couple weeks of your life walking around doing pretty unpleasant manual labor to maintain roads, do repairs to bridges and things of that nature.This went away only for practical and technical purposes. When civil infrastructure was far simpler we’re often talking dirt roads or cantilever roads etc that do not require great expertise to maintain, and when more than half the country were farmers and thus perfectly suited to the task at hand. With modern roads designed for cars and modern civil engineering works there’s no place for just drafting grunts, at least not that would be much use. I’d also wager part of the reason the practice died out is the work that could still be relegated to grunts in the early 20th century in the South especially, were relegated to prison chain gangs as America moved from a society that mostly didn’t use long term incarceration as a punishment to one which used it as the primary punishment for most crimes.