He’s just trying to lull you into a false sense of security.
Why on earth would any prison official refuse a lawful order? I worked in a prison. I never received a pardon order from the President or Governor. But we received release orders from judges. And when we did we took off the prisoner’s handcuffs and let him walk out of the courtroom. Or if he was inside the prison we let him walk out the front door. (In reality, most released prisoners voluntarily go through the normal release process. It takes a couple of days but we arrange for transportation and such. But they have the option of leaving immediately if they wish.)
Not much.
I recall, years ago, reading that there are over 100,000 convicted murderers are walking the streets in the US.
There’s no precedent for the present President, but, being bonkers, Obama’s Constitutional clout could quash qualms of the convicts’ confiners.
Why would they? Are all prison officials lawful evil or lawful stupid? Is it really so bad in this country that so many people can’t tell the difference between law and morality? Heck, a defense of thinking the document must be forged if it’s letting out everyone should last for a while, and I’m sure there are delaying tactics.
And, honesty, I would expect the President to be declared insane. It doesn’t matter if he really is. If it would stop this, I’m pretty sure in short order everyone would agree he was insane, and thus unfit.
The only question is, could the VP now acting as president give an executive order that undid the pardon? Or can the action that caused the President to be declared unfit be considered null and void without having to have a huge judicial showdown? Heck, all you’d need is a stay, then you could take forever to do the rest.
Gov. of Illinois changed all the death sentences to life in prison.
Ironically he is now in prison
Judging by the responses to lots of ethics/ legal questions posted here, I’d have to say yes. Most people I work with either correlate, or outright equate what is legal with what is ethical. If it was “bad” then we’d make a law against it. Likewise, many of them demonstrate a rather abysmal understanding of the fluidity of law in this country. While changing law may be difficult, all it truly requires is a vote by the appropriate body. Though the percentage tends be smaller here on the educated, and primarily liberal 'dope, IRL I’ve seen this attitude far more often than is comfortable for me.
This may surprise you but there is a widely held view that locking people up for no reason is both illegal and immoral.
I believe the OP may be thinking of the provisions of Section 4 of the XXV Amendment:
Section 4. Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.
Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive department or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. Thereupon Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that purpose if not in session. If the Congress, within twenty-one days after receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required to assemble, determines by two-thirds vote of both Houses that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the powers and duties of his office.
In practice this has been seen as dealing more with such a case as the PotUS were to suffer an illness or injury leaving him partly or fully disabled vis-a-vis decisionmaking faculties. It has been invoked when sitting Presidents have had to be placed under anaesthesia, for instance. It does not however seem to provide for prompt intervention in a scenario of the Boss simply waking up one morning, looking across the South Lawn in the misty dawn light, and like many an otherwise upstanding citizen before him, quietly snapping and going berserk. Although I would hope that there are already contingency plans set up for whenever THAT happens. (“No time to ask, Colonel: you must set fire to the envelope with the nuclear launch codes, or else eat it, immediately!”)
But this is not even that urgent either, so if you tried to invoke it for something like the OP, you’d have something like between two and 25 days of back-and-forth “The President’s done flipped”/“No I haven’t” up and down PA Avenue, on whether the Boss was in full use of his abilities to discharge his duties when the order was issued – and if that means it’s null ab initio, never had effect, or it’s fully lawful and valid though outrageous to some sensibilities. Plus there’s the small detail of …“BTW, everyone non-elected who just said I flipped, you’re fired effective one second ago: there, see, there’s no majority of the Cabinet saying I’ve gone wack.” AFAIK XXV-4 does not protect the principal officers from being replaced while the process runs.
In the example case, the officials of the Federal prison systems probably would have a limited amount of wiggle room to stall until the scene plays out with authority. Could they hold out three weeks? Maybe more if the DoJ officialdom is massively on the side opposing the order. But it’s not unlimited flexibility either. At some point after you verify it’s a real, lawful order, you either do your job or ask to be relieved.

Why would they? Are all prison officials lawful evil or lawful stupid? Is it really so bad in this country that so many people can’t tell the difference between law and morality?
Why wouldn’t they? Morality doesn’t even come up here, except it’s immoral to keep a pardoned person in prison.
The only question is, could the VP now acting as president give an executive order that undid the pardon? Or can the action that caused the President to be declared unfit be considered null and void without having to have a huge judicial showdown? Heck, all you’d need is a stay, then you could take forever to do the rest.
No, once the person is pardoned and accepts the pardon, he’s pardoned. He can’t be unpardoned.
Why is the prez given unlimited pardon powers anyway? Were the founding fathers worried that political prisoners would need to be released at every re-election?
What if out of the blue he ordered a nuclear strike on Chicago? Anybody think that order would be unquestionably obeyed?
I think the question here is where would we draw that line? At what point would we simply choose not to follow constitutional orders?
Which side of that line does the release of all federal prisoners fall?
Very interesting thread.
Why is the prez given unlimited pardon powers anyway? Were the founding fathers worried that political prisoners would need to be released at every re-election?
It’s a check on the power of the judicial system. This way there is always a chance of appeal until the sentence is carried out, the inmate dies, or is executed. Prevents the judicial branch from having ultimate power.
Why is the prez given unlimited pardon powers anyway? Were the founding fathers worried that political prisoners would need to be released at every re-election?
I think it’s a recognition that the legal system is not perfect. Judges and juries are obligated to act in accordance with the law - they’re supposed to find somebody guilty even though it may be unjust in the particular circumstances. A President can recognize that somebody technically is guilty of breaking the law but doesn’t deserve to be punished and issue a pardon.
And, as Acid Lamp posted, sometimes judges and juries do the wrong thing. Pardons give an opportunity to correct that.
Here’s Hamilton, from Federalist 74, on the pardon power:
He is also to be authorized to grant “reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, EXCEPT IN CASES OF IMPEACHMENT.” Humanity and good policy conspire to dictate, that the benign prerogative of pardoning should be as little as possible fettered or embarrassed. The criminal code of every country partakes so much of necessary severity, that without an easy access to exceptions in favor of unfortunate guilt, justice would wear a countenance too sanguinary and cruel. As the sense of responsibility is always strongest, in proportion as it is undivided, it may be inferred that a single man would be most ready to attend to the force of those motives which might plead for a mitigation of the rigor of the law, and least apt to yield to considerations which were calculated to shelter a fit object of its vengeance. The reflection that the fate of a fellow-creature depended on his sole fiat, would naturally inspire scrupulousness and caution; the dread of being accused of weakness or connivance, would beget equal circumspection, though of a different kind. On the other hand, as men generally derive confidence from their numbers, they might often encourage each other in an act of obduracy, and might be less sensible to the apprehension of suspicion or censure for an injudicious or affected clemency. On these accounts, one man appears to be a more eligible dispenser of the mercy of government, than a body of men.
The expediency of vesting the power of pardoning in the President has, if I mistake not, been only contested in relation to the crime of treason. This, it has been urged, ought to have depended upon the assent of one, or both, of the branches of the legislative body. I shall not deny that there are strong reasons to be assigned for requiring in this particular the concurrence of that body, or of a part of it. As treason is a crime levelled at the immediate being of the society, when the laws have once ascertained the guilt of the offender, there seems a fitness in referring the expediency of an act of mercy towards him to the judgment of the legislature. And this ought the rather to be the case, as the supposition of the connivance of the Chief Magistrate ought not to be entirely excluded. But there are also strong objections to such a plan. It is not to be doubted, that a single man of prudence and good sense is better fitted, in delicate conjunctures, to balance the motives which may plead for and against the remission of the punishment, than any numerous body whatever. It deserves particular attention, that treason will often be connected with seditions which embrace a large proportion of the community; as lately happened in Massachusetts. In every such case, we might expect to see the representation of the people tainted with the same spirit which had given birth to the offense. And when parties were pretty equally matched, the secret sympathy of the friends and favorers of the condemned person, availing itself of the good-nature and weakness of others, might frequently bestow impunity where the terror of an example was necessary. On the other hand, when the sedition had proceeded from causes which had inflamed the resentments of the major party, they might often be found obstinate and inexorable, when policy demanded a conduct of forbearance and clemency. But the principal argument for reposing the power of pardoning in this case to the Chief Magistrate is this: in seasons of insurrection or rebellion, there are often critical moments, when a welltimed offer of pardon to the insurgents or rebels may restore the tranquillity of the commonwealth; and which, if suffered to pass unimproved, it may never be possible afterwards to recall. The dilatory process of convening the legislature, or one of its branches, for the purpose of obtaining its sanction to the measure, would frequently be the occasion of letting slip the golden opportunity. The loss of a week, a day, an hour, may sometimes be fatal. If it should be observed, that a discretionary power, with a view to such contingencies, might be occasionally conferred upon the President, it may be answered in the first place, that it is questionable, whether, in a limited Constitution, that power could be delegated by law; and in the second place, that it would generally be impolitic beforehand to take any step which might hold out the prospect of impunity. A proceeding of this kind, out of the usual course, would be likely to be construed into an argument of timidity or of weakness, and would have a tendency to embolden guilt.
Just to add another point: anything a President signs has to be prepared by someone, reviewed by someone else, re-reviewed, etc. For a very strange or unwise order, this process might take a while. For a no-doubt-about-it-batshit-crazy-we’re-hiding-all-the-sharp-objects-in-the-Oval-Office order, the process will almost certainly take much longer than the process of gathering the VP and Cabinet to start Amendment XXV proceedings. I suppose the Pres could write something in crayon on a napkin and sign it, but the more irregularities, the easier it will be for a court to find it invalid. In this particular case, a determined court might also decide that the President can only issue individual pardons, requiring specific names, thereby dragging the process to a halt.

Maybe, it wouldn’t be the first time the SCOTUS invented constitutional principles or legislated from the bench.
CoughBush v. GoreCough. I mean, this Conservative court invent specious reasoning to get the result they want? Why, that would be being an ‘activist judge’. Inconceivable!

In this particular case, a determined court might also decide that the President can only issue individual pardons, requiring specific names, thereby dragging the process to a halt.
Except we have a long tradition that pardons don’t require individual names, and that presidents can pardon groups. From the first ever pardon issued by a President of the United States:
. . . a full, free an entire pardon (excepting and providing as
hereinafter mentioned) is hereby granted to all persons residing within the
counties of Washington, Allegheny, Westmoreland and Fayette, in a state of
Pennsylvania, and in the County of Ohio in the state of Virginia, guilty of
treason or misprisoned of treason against the United States, or otherwise
directly or indirectly engaging in the wicked and unhappy tumults and
disturbances lately existing in these counties. . .
From Andrew Johnson’s pardon of Confederates:
. . .I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do proclaim and declare that I hereby grant to all persons who have, directly or indirectly, participated in the existing rebellion, except as hereinafter excepted, amnesty and pardon, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves, and except in cases where legal proceedings, under the laws of the United States providing for the confiscation of property of persons engaged in rebellion, have been instituted. . .
From Carter’s pardon of draft dodgers:
Acting pursuant to the grant of authority in Article II, Section 2, of the Constitution of the United States, I, Jimmy Carter, President of the United States, do hereby grant a full, complete and unconditional pardon to: (1) all persons who may have committed any offense between August 4, 1964 and March 28, 1973 in violation of the Military Selective Service Act or any rule or regulation promulgated thereunder; and (2) all persons heretofore convicted, irrespective of the date of conviction, of any offense committed between August 4, 1964 and March 28, 1973 in violation of the Military Selective Service Act, or any rule or regulation promulgated thereunder, restoring to them full political, civil and other rights. . . .

There’s no precedent for the present President, but, being bonkers, Obama’s Constitutional clout could quash qualms of the convicts’ confiners.
Never do that again. Just don’t. It made my nose bleed.
Oh, I beg your pardon.

There’s no precedent for the present President, but, being bonkers, Obama’s Constitutional clout could quash qualms of the convicts’ confiners.
No, no! Alliteration in these situations is corny… What?