'One Market Under God' Chapter One: The Illuminati

[ul]Isn’t it rather a direct comment on the law of supply and demand?[/ul]Yeah. Business demands cheaper workers, and workers demand less frugal businesses. Whether we close our doors to immigration or not this is the case.

It is a question of what work is worth. One could say, “My work is worth this much.” Another could say, “To him, my work is worth this much.” A third could say, “The value of my work changes depending on who I am competing in the job market with.”

Which man is most correct to you, Kimstu? To me: the third man is always correct, whether he is his own boss and is self-employed, selling services; or if he is a construction worker seeking a job in the outskirts of a major city.[ul]…but I’m not naive enough to think that people who resent the extra competition it provides are just being too negative about their own abilities.[/ul]Doesn’t it? The concern is that their salary demand is too high for their ability with respect to other able workers. Whether they are immigrants or not they still must live in the same geographic region, pay the same bills, and so on, do they not?[ul]I’m happy to hear anybody supporting workers’ right to collective action, and I agree that unions should do more on the organizing front, but let’s not kid ourselves that employers aren’t doing all they can to make it as difficult as possible for them.[/ul]Well, we can count on the government to break strikes or make them illegal. Thank god we may always fall back on democracy when the market fails! (not meant to be sarcastic at you, btw)[ul]Why would we expect that consumers or workers taking their own uncompensated time and risking their own advantages should be the first solution to abuses by business, rather than the people we elect and pay to defend our interests?[/ul]Why would we expect that voters would keep up with the politicians that they are supposed to trust? Why doesn’t that strike you as any more strange? Somewhere, a babysitter is not being babysitted.[ul]The resources we do have to act on such issues are mostly concentrated in government legislative and regulatory agencies, and that’s where we should be using them, IMHO.[/ul]But the only way “we” can “use” them there is to be politically active! So let me ask, if we must be active to get results, then why create a babysitter to babysit when we can simply eliminate the middle-man?

I don’t know where to begin. I really glean very little insight from Frank’s article. Let’s start at the end, I guess.
1)

Duly noted. This is part of my problem: I maintain that my characterization of Friedman’s ideas is more accurate. And that furthermore Frank takes a set of subtlety different ideas and points out how they all fit within an “market populist” rubric. They do. It’s just that pretending that these distinctions don’t exist, heck not even acknowledging that they might exist, does the reader a disservice. But, hey, Frank isn’t a policy analyst, I guess. Nonetheless, I assert that he does pretend to have a working grasp of the terminology he uses, a pretense that I find inaccurate.

  1. This is where I got the idea that your definition of a golden straightjacket differed from Friedman’s. The golden straightjacket affects any government who operates in the world economy, so it isn’t a late 1990s phenomenon, even for Asia.

  2. Now let’s jump to the end of Frank’s article:

Well, Frank is right about CEO compensation. However, real wages picked up in the mid 1990s just as the stock market really got cooking. Frank doesn’t feel a need to check this easily-verified fact though, since he operates in the realm of ideology rather than empirical reality. (It sounds right that wage growth went down as the stock market went up. It just doesn’t happen to be factual.)

  1. I think the bit about the Washington Consensus is kind of off-topic: I now see I was responding to Mandelstam and not Frank. [sub]Bums me out. Took me forever to write that. Grumble, grumble.[/sub]
  1. Actually, it’s a highly contentious issue among economists. IIRC, the tigers had tariffs of around 20%. Which is pretty high, until you consider that Africa and Latin America had tariffs closer to 40%. So, relative to Latin America, the Asian tigers did follow a policy of trade liberalization. What’s less clear (at this level of analysis) is what would have happened if the tigers had lower tariffs.

To the extent that Frank assumes this sort of common knowledge, rather than actually reporting on it, he does his readers a disservice.

  1. Still, I get the sense I’m talking around the central point. (If only I could figure out what that is. Let me make some stabs.)

  2. I really don’t have an ax to grind with cultural critics; my problem is with sloppy thinking or evading precision. Let’s see. I like Elvis Mitchell, Gina Arnold and Lexington. I don’t really care for Maureen Dowd. FWIW

  1. I perceive the controversy revolving around things that Frank’s choir assumes. I don’t see too much debate regarding whether the WSJ (or Wired) believes what Frank says they believe, for example. Again, it’s sorta obvious. Put in another way, eris and I have our disagreements about the proper scope of government. But Frank’s analysis isn’t about the proper role of government, it’s how Americans perceive that (and how they perceive the role of markets).

  2. And I might argue that American’s views are more nuanced then Frank lets on. But that would involve reading Frank, rather than skimming him. (Guilty as charged. :slight_smile: )

Or without really examining either problem or solution at all…

Well, I am too tired from setting folks straight on missile defense and global warming :wink: to wade into this debate in a substantive manner so I’ll leave the substantive part in the capable hands of Kimstu and Mandlestam…But I just had to ask: Did it ever occur to anyone else here that if The Wall Street Journal editorial page really was caught in a 1000 year time warp as the above typo suggests then that would explain an awful awful lot!?!

Okay, so I am a lying SOB. After reading over this thread in more detail, I can’t resist jumping in a little bit here.

And the point is that business is going to continue to push for those policies that allow for cheaper workers and give workers less opportunity to band together collectively and workers are going to continue to push for policies that give them more bargaining power with businesses so that they can get higher salaries, etc.

So, at the end of the day, you are left with policy questions to settle and these policy questions will affect, in your terms, “the value of my work” that the hypothetical person calculates.

In practice, “leaving the question to the market” seems to be usually used as a shorthand form of “let’s settle these policy manners in ways that are largely in favor of business” in this tug-of-war.

I think it is unrealistic to believe that everybody can keep up on every issue. The idea of government in principle is that it is another collective means by which we are able to find out the relevant information, decide on what should be done, and make sure it is being done by sort of delegating the work out. Now, it is true that once we have a representative government then it does not eliminate our need for vigilance as our representatives will still need to be watched and held accountable. However, I still prefer this to having to, say, go and investigate every meat-packing factory myself in my copious free time.

Well, to me it sounds like a statement that the gains of these past years were shared very unequally…Perhaps real wages didn’t keep up with gains in worker productivity or that they didn’t nearly keep up with rises in CEO compensation or market capitalization and thus that the gains were very unevenly distributed. Since I’ve done enough research recently, I’ll leave it to others to see how, say, rises in real wages compared with gains in productivity but my WAG is that they didn’t keep up, especially when you consider the entire boom and not just the last few years of it when those further down the scale did manage to catch up somewhat. (My impression, BTW, is that these gains were the first to be reversed in the latest downturn.)

[By the way, I read Frank for his insightfulness on the “big picture of what is going on”, kind of to provide interpretation rather than give me detailed facts. If you want precise scientific statements about the correlation between stock market gains and real wage gains as a function of time, you aren’t really turning to the right person.]

1000?!? How the hell did that slip in? Sheesh.

Well, in principle the market performs much better than it actually seems to given the way it is treated.

And the issue here is that you don’t have to keep vigilant on the meat packing factory. That’s what the employees are for. See, you’ve got a built-in babysitter ready to go in every single industry in the entire world. Now, maybe if unions weren’t so busy trying to demand guaranteed wage increases regardless of work improvement and actually got involved in what the businesses were doing we might see some real empowerment of the “common” man.

Now, we ask the question: what gives the businesses so much power over their employees. Is it the employees, or the government? And if it is the government, why do you expect that the employees could fight the government if they couldn’t fight the business?

Something isn’t adding up over there as I am reading this.

Can’t…keep…away… Must…make…another …post.

Yeah, perhaps. Or perhaps top executives got rich due to crooked accounting (distributed stock-options not counted on the income statement). Or maybe the booming stock market had something to do with changing risk preferences, risk perceptions, etc. The only thing we know is that it had nothing to do with declines in median real wages, since that occurred from approximately 1975-1995 and reversed after that. The point is that all of this is lost in Frank’s misleading rhetoric.

Ok, I’ve only read one article by the guy, so any assertions I make about Frank should be taken with a heft of salt. If you have a link to an article of his whose underlying point is less obvious, let me know.

Still, if Frank can’t get the basic facts right, what makes you think that his perception of the “big picture” is accurate? More likely, I would think that he creates an attractive and reassuring big picture, as does, oh, Rush L for example. Both excel at beating that tribal drum: the one that provides “us” with a warm self-satisfied feeling largely by defining (and critiquing) “them”.[sup]1[/sup] But I would say that both lack a certain, ah, substance.

At the moment, I’m (tentatively) putting Frank in the bin with the large collection of assorted ideologues whom I don’t take very seriously. But, hey, it’s a living.

[sup]1[/sup]Not that I have a problem with drum-beating. What I have trouble with is when the writer does little else.

Um, eris, go back to your 1984 analogy. Recall that although, Fascville, Oceania and Marxyland all had wartime economies (there was always some enemy), who that enemy was would shift around.

For example, steel employees and the steel industry find common cause in dicking both the consumer (and auto workers) by appealing to Oceania for higher tariffs. Similarly, your typical meat packer doesn’t necessarily want the public to know whether the meat they sell is rotton: he might lose his job. On this issue, he and the bosses are in agreement.

Change the circumstance, and labor can form other coalitions. (eg., accept innovation and international competition and we’ll give you unemployment insurance and other safety nets.) Likewise for business, environmental advocates, etc.

But, my point is a bit stronger than that. I think your claim that he isn’t getting the basic facts right is made on the erroneous basis of trying to read an extremely specific claim into a general statement that he makes. There’s nothing in his statement that says that there is a direct negative correlation in time on a year-to-year basis between the stock market and real wages.

And, in fact, I don’t see why we should expect the correlation to be quite so direct…There very well could be sort of lags here. Surely once the economy gets really really hot as it did in the late 90s then the high demand for labor is bound to help wages catch up some! [And, of course, I’m sure he is not claiming that every time we have a downturn and stocks fall then at the same time real wages go up…that would be silly.] His general point, as I would interpret it, is that over the longer term (the 90s or the 80s and 90s or the last 25 years, it’s not even clear what period he is thinking of), part of what has fueled the stock market has been the ability to keep the increase in real wages below that of productivity gains so that labor has effectively gotten cheaper.

Now, it may well be that there is no reasonable sense in which we could say that Frank’s general claim is correct. However, it seems to me that you are far from proving that…You have only shown that you can abstract from it one specific claim that is incorrect.

flowbark: In brief. I understand that you’re interested in a complex definition of terms such as “golden straightjacket” and “Washington consensus.” Frank, who uses these terms once, and only by way of illustrating the dominance of a wider “market populism,” doesn’t provide these nuances. Fair enough.

“But, hey, Frank isn’t a policy analyst, I guess. Nonetheless, I assert that he does pretend to have a working grasp of the terminology he uses, a pretense that I find inaccurate.”

And I assert that there’s no way to tell from reading the 3-page article you read how much complexity Frank would acknowledge on these matters or not. For the umpteenth time, he’s not discussing them, and, more important, none of the differences you perceive within the terminology–interesting though they are, and relevant to any number of threads–is relevant to Frank’s thesis on “market populism” in US culture. For example, your point is that Frank doesn’t make clear that fiscal discipline is imposed on lenders by international capital markets themselves (debatable, but irrelevant to this thread, is the degree to which “capital markets” would be able to do this if powerful nation-states didn’t make these conditions possible and sustainable). You are troubled by the fact Frank that when Frank uses the term (once), he doesn’t make that clear. Do you think if he did it would change his views about “market populism” in US culture in the least?

"Well, Frank is right about CEO compensation. However, real wages picked up in the mid 1990s just as the stock market really got cooking. "

Well, I see that jshore has entered the debate on precisely these grounds. I will have to do some checking round to get actual cites on this for you: but, as I recall, real wages for the working classes and all but the highest level of the middle classes have been dropping since the '80s. IIRC there was a very short exception to that–in which the wages of the working poor increased modestly in real terms–c. 1997-9, I believe. Then came the recession so the latest figures are unlikely to reflect more gains and may well reflect decline. In either case, the temporary reversal of a decades-long decline does not a relative increase make. And when you’re looking at what was going on with the richest 5%–it’s pretty dramatic. The middle class is shrinking; the poor are poorer than they were in the 1960s, the proportion of working poor has increased, and–the good news!–there is a growing number of millionaires and billionaires.

[re Asian tigers - common knowledge that their rise was nationalist vs. free-trade - flowbark says there’s room for debate there] “To the extent that Frank assumes this sort of common knowledge…”

And what extent is that? Frank doesn’t mention the Asian tigers even once. Honestly flowbark, it’s really pointless to debate about something you skimmed so quickly! For all we know Frank has read widely on the subject of Asian industrialization; he may also be up-to-date on quantum physics; both topics are equally irrelevant to the posted article.

“Frank doesn’t feel a need to check this easily-verified fact [re real wages] though, since he operates in the realm of ideology rather than empirical reality.”

Well, sorry to say, I haven’t seen much empirical reality from you either flowbark. You skimmed Frank fast enough to offer a somewhat irrelevant response to his main argument, you alleged a debate as to Asian industrialization that has nothing to do with Frank’s article and, in general. you’ve adduced no empirical arguments whatsoever. As I say above, I believe your assumptions as to real wages are faulty. Sorry, flow, but the truth is that your participation in this thread, thus far, is 100% ideology.

“Put in another way, eris and I have our disagreements about the proper scope of government. But Frank’s analysis isn’t about the proper role of government, it’s how Americans perceive that (and how they perceive the role of markets).”

:slight_smile:

"And I might argue that American’s views are more nuanced then Frank lets on. But that would involve reading Frank, rather than skimming him. (Guilty as charged. :slight_smile: "

Well thanks for the honesty there. And I don’t think that Frank means to imply that the population of the US is 100% composed of market populist clones. Still, I’m ready to concede that Frank focuses on the embrace of market populism, not on dissent to it, or nuances within it.

Relevant, perhaps, (though the events in question occurred well after the publication of Frank’s book) is the Enron thread in which part of what’s been discussed is the outburst of anti-market populism in response to Enron’s collapse.

Some empirical info on real wages to supercede my hazy recollections…

Excerpt:

*"Perhaps most dramatic in that respect was the 62.7 percent rise in the real wage of the median corporate executive officer (CEO) between 1998 and 1999 alone. The typical CEO earned 107 times than the typical worker last year, according to EPI - almost double the difference of a decade ago.

Real incomes of low-income families grew at a 1.9 percent annual rate from 1995 to 1999; those of middle-income families grew at a 2.3 percent rate; while those at the top grew by 3.2 percent.

Over a longer time span, from 1979 to 1999, however, real hourly wages for high-wage earners increased 17.6 percent, while wages for low-wage earners fell during the same period by 9.3 percent, according to the report which noted that those in the middle saw real wages stagnate. "*

As to the relation between productivity gains and wage gains, mentioned by jshore, I’ll keep on searching when I have the time…

Oops! I left out one of the most interesting bits.

“What gains have been made in family income were largely due to a sharp increase in family working hours, according to the report. The average middle-class, married-couple family, which increased its income by 9.2 percent from 1989 to 1998, worked 182 hours more per year over that period, roughly equivalent to a full month of work.”

By the way, part of what influenced my thinking on what Frank might be referring to in terms of wage vs. productivity gains is an exchange between Andrew Biggs and Frank that appeared in my lastest Harper’s.

Biggs, whose title is “social security analyst” at the Cato Institute and was on the President’s social security commission, wrote a letter in response to an article by Frank on social security privatization in Harper’s a few months ago. Frank then has a response to Biggs’ letter. In particular, Biggs attacks Frank for “a move of almost stunning deceptiveness” in noting that a change of 1% in the assumed wage growth would keep SS solvent until around 2060; Biggs notes that this “slight change” amounts to a doubling in the assumed wage growth from 1 to 2%. Here is Frank’s response:

[/quote]

This illustrates the striking disparity between the growth of labor productivity and real wages (especially mean wages): http://www.epinet.org/webfeatures/snapshots/archive/2000/041200/snapshots041200.html. These figures are now a couple years out of date; it would be interesting to see it extended through the end of 2001. But note how real mean wages didn’t reach back up to the 1989 baseline until 1998 by which time labor-productivity gains were in the neighborhood of 18%!!!

Please replace the word “mean” by “median” in the two places it appears in my previous post!

[Okay, so I should have compressed this into less than 4 posts … I’ll try to be a little slower on the “submit” button next time!]

The bottom section of this page discusses the productivity – compensation gap over a longer period of time and also mentions the interpretation of this gap in terms of higher stock prices and profits: http://www.leftbusinessobserver.com/Stats_earns.html. (I don’t know if this interpretation has been criticized from a more centrist or Right perspective.)

What a fantastic thread. I’m proud to have played some small part in its inception, and disappointed that I’m too busy to contribute further. erl, thanks for starting the discussion; Kimstu, Mandelstam, and jshore, you’re doing a hell of a job articulating my position. :slight_smile:

This is on page 87 of the book. I think it is very important to the discussion at hand, which is more or less the idea of how we think about economics, and it certainly demonstrates that Frank comes at the subject with a huge chip on his shoulder. The “logic” of business is no more fascist than the “logic” of redistribution is socialism. There is absolutely no reason why a business couldn’t be philanthropic and redistributive on a medium or even high scale.

flowbark, I suppose I can envision scenarios where it is in a meat-packer’s interest to sell rotten meat. I can also envision scenarios where it is in the food inspector’s interest to pass off violations.

A meat packer, or other worker in general, has no serious interest in promoting the highest quality of good apart from the worker’s desire to do his job right. The business may clearly have a vested interest in cutting corners, and from that could come coercion. In that my comment was rather short-sighted, but my intent wasn’t to say that meat packing industry should be self-regulated per se, but rather that the workers, as part of a union or other less formal organization, have the ability to ensure that the job is done right.

Such an act could only bode well for the public perception of unions themselves. AFAIK, public perception of unions is not exactly a good thing. Union workers are often envisioned to be lazy slackers who cut corners and demand overtime pay to do the work they should have done already. How much of this is true is more or less besides the point (though I think it is partially true in quite a few industries, and I at least know it is true in one specific industry at one specific plant); the point is that labor unions serve as a check on employers. Regulation serves as a check on employers. I think that putting two and two together here is something that should be considered. Proper labor pressure to accomplish something constructive like this should be rather effective in many cases. But to accomplish this it would need to allow for the removal of union employees which aren’t performing up to par, whereas the current situation is more of a “Oh, I just saw Joe by the water cooler talking to Billy,” and Billy says, “Yeah, I just talked to him, he said he was heading over to… [etc]” while, in fact, Joe didn’t show up that morning and his buddies clocked him in anyway.

I think the labor movement lost its power because it gave it up, flat out. It demanded everything and didn’t really provide much in return.

The problem of wealth inequality can be viewed in a similar manner: the businesses demand much but give little in return. In this case, I think the flaws of labor enabled businesses to get away with whatever they are getting away with. And if we cannot expect the unions to take interest in their own jobs, then what good is regulation going to serve? Is the threat of legal action so much more worrying to a CEO than the threat of a strike? Perhaps it is, it just doesn’t seem like it to me.

But this is exactly not what I am saying. Tariffs are a government thing. And the government interference is exactly my problem.

I think unions have dropped the ball, watched it deflate, and kicked it into the sewer. They became corrupt some time ago, and many corrupt branches still remain (unless the “right-wing” media is lying to me, too, which I supopse I must accept as fact within the context of the thread).

In fact, it seems almost obvious that unions based on self-interest motivation (job security, higher wages, better benefits, more vacation time, etc etc etc) must fall prey to the same things that businesses do. Are we to say, then, that we must rely on the good will of a small subset of men (the government) to perform the babysitting? But why couldn’t the government fall prey to the same thing as they scuffle to get reelected? Isn’t this a common critique of politicians?

I just want to be clear here: I am not any longer an overwhelming supporter of the free market or of businesses or anything, but rather that the flaws inherent in a for-profit economy will spread to any and every sector that deals with it. Corruption, lying, and scheming will poke their way into every venue.

When businesses go bad we blame the CEOs, when governments go bad we blame the voters :confused: It seems in both cases the fault is with the people who interact with this specific power set, or the fault is with the specific politicians as much as it is the fault of the CEOs. Just because we live in a democracy does not mean a priori that our politicians are serving our interests. That being the case, why would we rush to consolidate economic power in the hands of the political power? Especially when we take it for granted that “most folks” aren’t taking an active interest in the big picture?

Seems like a tragic mistake to me, and a serious logical flaw.

Some interesting points, erl, but I think you may be missing an important issue in the debate whether business regulation should be partly the domain of government or left entirely to workers and consumers. Namely, government does what consumers and workers can’t do, which is to make regulatory laws that are applicable to businesses in general. Unless you want to give that power to workers and consumers directly (how?), you are setting up a situation where every single infraction by every single employer/producer has to be countered with a separately initiated strike and/or boycott, organized and maintained by people who (as noted earlier) are mostly not compensated for it and are often risking a great deal in order to do it.

You personally may feel that government is completely impotent in regulating businesses; however, businesses themselves, judging by their complaints about bureaucratic interference, don’t seem to think so. There is certainly room for improvement in citizen oversight of government, but I don’t think we should kid ourselves that we the public will find it easier to monitor many thousands of individual businesses than to oversee several hundred representatives and a couple dozen regulatory agencies. Your suggestion of eliminating the contemptuously-named “babysitters” simply means that we citizens would have much less power than we do even now.

  • [Frank:] The logic of business is coercion, monopoly, and the destruction of the weak, no “choice” or “service” or universal affluence.

This is on page 87 of the book. I think it is very important to the discussion at hand, which is more or less the idea of how we think about economics, and it certainly demonstrates that Frank comes at the subject with a huge chip on his shoulder. The “logic” of business is no more fascist than the “logic” of redistribution is socialism. There is absolutely no reason why a business couldn’t be philanthropic and redistributive on a medium or even high scale.*

I agree that the statement is pretty one-sided, and that there are often plenty of logical market-based reasons for businesses to provide things like “choice” or “service”: if providing consumer choice or good service will make a profit, that’s a powerful incentive for a company to provide it. But if the company can make more money with worse service and anti-competitive practices, the market incentive shifts to that strategy instead. Individual businesspeople and companies may still prefer to put the customers’ or workers’ needs first in such cases, but if they choose to do so, then they are making decisions based on extra-market values. The sole market incentive is the maximization of profit.

Recall that Frank is taking a deliberately combative stance to provide what he sees as a needed corrective to massive corporate PR efforts to portray the market as naturally democratic, intrinsically beneficial, innately a force for good. It isn’t; it is a completely socially-amoral engine for maximizing profits, and if “coercion, monopoly, and the destruction of the weak” will maximize profits, that’s the strategy the market will adopt. I agree that we need to bear in mind that the market incentive sometimes encourages useful corporate activities rather than destructive ones. But I think Frank’s point is that we’re in no danger of forgetting that aspect, because corporate PR is blaring it into our ears 24/7; what we need to remember is that markets in general are perfectly willing to reward destructive behavior too.

*I think the labor movement lost its power because it gave it up, flat out. It demanded everything and didn’t really provide much in return. *

I don’t dispute that greed, corruption, and indifference to quality have been big problems in a number of unions, and I don’t think there’s anything wrong with pointing that out. However, I think you’re overlooking other important factors in the decline of American unions, such as deregulatory efforts beginning in the 1980’s and increased capital mobility that shifted the balance of power further in employers’ favor. Businesses have always been in favor of the destruction and decline of unions—not because they evilly relish “coercion and the destruction of the weak”, but simply on the basis of the bottom line—and they have never ceased to push for it. Perhaps they could never have succeeded so well without labor’s own failures and betrayals, but that doesn’t mean they haven’t always been trying.

Is the threat of legal action so much more worrying to a CEO than the threat of a strike? Perhaps it is, it just doesn’t seem like it to me.

Well, considering that only about 10% of private-sector workers are currently unionized, while all businesses are (at least technically) subject to the law, legal actions are likely to affect more businesses than strikes will. Also, US labor law and regulatory oversight are notoriously weak, as noted in the article I linked to above; there are very few serious legal penalties that employers actually suffer for illegitimately retaliating against workers who attempt to organize or attempt to strike. So it’s quite rare that collective worker action actually gets far enough along to pose a real threat to an employer’s profitability. Perhaps if we had a stronger “social wage” system including income supports, basic services, continuing education, retraining, etc., workers would be less completely dependent on their existing jobs and would be less economically vulnerable in negotiating with employers.

*I think unions have dropped the ball, watched it deflate, and kicked it into the sewer. They became corrupt some time ago, and many corrupt branches still remain (unless the “right-wing” media is lying to me, too, which I supopse I must accept as fact within the context of the thread). *

Oh, we won’t demand that much of your liberal orthodoxy. :wink: But I do wonder, how much of what you think about unions is based on following their current activity, and how much is just part of a general cultural impression that is, naturally, partly mediated by business? For example, do you know who John J. Sweeney is? What do you think of his recent decisions? Do you know what the acronyms HERE and SEIU stand for, and what those organizations have been up to lately? In short, do you have actual evidence that would cause you to trust unions less than businesses, or is it mostly just a hazy impression?

In fact, it seems almost obvious that unions based on self-interest motivation (job security, higher wages, better benefits, more vacation time, etc etc etc) must fall prey to the same things that businesses do.

True 'dat.

*Are we to say, then, that we must rely on the good will of a small subset of men (the government) to perform the babysitting? But why couldn’t the government fall prey to the same thing as they scuffle to get reelected? Isn’t this a common critique of politicians? […] Corruption, lying, and scheming will poke their way into every venue. *

Egg-zackly. That’s precisely why, IMHO, it’s so important to maintain a reasonable balance of power between the different economic sectors: business, government, and citizen organizations such as unions and activist groups. Since they’re all scheming for different things, if they maintain reasonably equal relationships then they can police one another reasonably effectively. Also, I think there’s a lot to be said for various kinds of formalized power-sharing, though I think the current level of coziness between business and government is going too far. But I think it makes sense to include union leaders and citizen representatives on company boards of directors, and to have business input into local government, and so forth. That way, the broad groups can still check and balance one another but individuals can be less adversarial and gain a “stakeholder” sense.

*When businesses go bad we blame the CEOs, when governments go bad we blame the voters. *

You think?? I have never noticed people being too shy to criticize the specific politicians who were directly responsible for the decisions they don’t like.

Just because we live in a democracy does not mean a priori that our politicians are serving our interests.

Yup.

*That being the case, why would we rush to consolidate economic power in the hands of the political power? Especially when we take it for granted that “most folks” aren’t taking an active interest in the big picture? *

I don’t think anyone’s suggesting that economic power should be consolidated in the state; that would be to regress to a “command economy” of the sort that failed so badly under communism, and as I said earlier in this thread, I doubt anybody’s seriously arguing for that. What many of us—and, I think, Frank in particular—are deploring is that instead, the reverse seems to be happening: we’re consolidating too much political power in the hands of market interests, under the carefully-fostered delusion that markets are intrinsically, inevitably democratic and progressive and beneficial, and so we’re crippling the other sectors of society that should be exercising a restraining influence.

Well, Kimstu, a perfectly reasonable post that I have little to say in response. A few things to touch on, though:

But I think Frank’s point is that we’re in no danger of forgetting that aspect, because corporate PR is blaring it into our ears 24/7; what we need to remember is that markets in general are perfectly willing to reward destructive behavior too.
I think this is an awesome point to make, but I don’t feel that coming from him yet. It all feels like warmongering propaganda, the exact thing he is accusing business of. Again, I am not going to throw the book down or anything, and I don’t think the guy is an idiot, but I feel that the most important thing he could say is exactly what you said. Anything that can support higher profits in the marketplace will be attempted, good and bad have no meaning in the market.

My opinions on unions were meant to illustrate Frank’s point more than detract it. I only know a few union laborers. But they have all told me stories about union behavior (mainly because I ask them all sorts of nosy questions). But my opinions on unions aren’t founded from anything authoritative; if anything, my exposition was meant to serve as an example of what propaganda can achieve.

I almost never hear people talking unions up. And no union worker that I’ve met has been particularly proud of their union, either, when asked specifically about it. But even if all union employees I meet said that they were happy to pay their dues it wouldn’t change public opinion about them. It isn’t enough to simply be satisfied with your current position if one expects to make a change, you know?

But I do wonder, how much of what you think about unions is based on following their current activity, and how much is just part of a general cultural impression that is, naturally, partly mediated by business?
Apart form what I said above, my impression is just that: an impression.