Well, it would seem there is near-unanimous disagreement with any and all portions of my basic thesis (which, I must add in my defense, I support more for dialectical purposes than because I believe strongly one way or the other). There have been some interesting points made, and a kind of consensus formed in the opposition that I find curious, and would like to explore.
To best do so, I will try to synthesize my points and the opposing points as best I can, so I can later point out what I find interesting and worthy of further debate. If you all care to continue, feel free correct me if I’ve misrepresented you; but please forgive me if my broad summary contradicts some specific points raised by individuals above. I’m trying to sort out a general consensus.
To sum up so far, with some refinement given important points made during the discussion, my position has been this: In hindsight, ceding of all of Eastern Europe to Soviet influence after the end of WWII may have been a dire historical blunder, which was anticipated by some important figures at the time, most notably Winston Churchill. While turning on our erstwhile ally against the Axis powers would have seemed treacherous, and led to great loss of life on both sides, the nature of the conflict made collaboration with a butcher like Stalin rational only because Hitler was more boldly aggressive. Once Nazi Germany was defeated, we should not have felt obliged to leave the decimated nations of Eastern Europe to Soviet annexation. Stalinist Russia had already proven itself to be a regime of brutal repression, and had already brought about massive loss of innocent life within its borders (e.g. the Purges); this slaughter would continue apace after the war. Leaving all of Eastern Europe to Soviet puppetry almost immediately elevated Russia to the status of a superpower, diametrically opposed to the West. The Soviets could then project their power effectively to both directly and indirectly help foster the creation of a number of similarly repressive communist totalitarian states that, collectively, may well have perpetrated the loss of more innocent human life in half a century than all other previous conflicts combined.
At the end of WWII, the USA and England had the military might necessary to, at the least, drive the Soviets back out of Eastern Europe, thus robbing the Soviets of superpower influence. It may have even been possible to defeat the Soviets on their own soil and depose Stalin, though that should not have been the primary goal. Eventual Soviet capitulation and Allied victory would have been assured, because we possessed, for a brief time in history, a clear and overwhelming advantage: sole possession of nuclear weapons. The mere threat of such doomsday weapons may have been sufficient to achieve victory, and that of course would be preferable; but, in light of what proved to be the monstrous depredations of communist totalitarianism, limited use of such weapons would have been justified if it could have prevented the spread of Stalinism and Maoism. An expanded Marshall plan could have hence led to the establishment pro-Western democracies in Eastern Europe, increasing American security, as well as bringing just government and relative freedom to the region. Furthermore, a reduced Soviet Empire may have limited their influence in other regions, and helped avert, for example, some of the Cold War tragedies of East and Southeast Asia.
The rebuttal? Utter nonsense, all of it. Firstly, to suppose that viable and friendly democracies could have been established in the power vacuum left in Eastern Europe following Nazi occupation is hopelessly naive. While Western Europe had striven (with varying degrees of success) towards democracy for two centuries, and was largely modernized, Eastern Europe was relatively autocratic and underdeveloped. Rule in many parts of the region was no less tyrannous than what the Soviets had to offer; and Slavic fealty in much of Eastern Europe lends little credibility to the assumption that the inhabitants of the region would have welcomed Allied occupation over Soviet occupation, post the Nazi conquest. One might just as easily assume widespread resistance, both from local and Soviet forces, to Allied assault, and the region might have been plunged into massive conflict on the scale of WWII. The resulting loss of civilian life would negate any potential benefit that could be realized by reducing Soviet power.
Furthermore, the suggestion that this aggression against the Soviets be facilitated by the threat or use of our brief nuclear hegemony, beyond being patently immoral, is fundamentally flawed for two reasons: The loss of civilian life, both immediate, and from fallout, would again negate the original aim of the conflict; and it may still not have served as either an effective deterrent threat, nor a tool for certain victory, in practice. To suppose the use of nuclear weapons would have triggered rapid surrender and thus limited casualties is absurd: It might have further inflamed enemy hatred and rather escalated the conflict.
Finally, the supposed cause-and-effect relationship between the rise of Soviet power, and the subsequent rise of other oppressive communist dictatorships is fallacy. It is simply myth that a monolithic communist bloc orchestrated from Moscow ever existed. Each sovereign country where communism arose was different, with national interests sufficiently distinct that to presume all acted as Soviet puppets, and thus could have been neutralized somehow by limiting Soviet power, is ridiculous. These nations may have opted for some version of communist totalitarianism in the complete absence of Russia, for all we can know, or worse systems of government may have arisen instead.
Ultimately, using hindsight of the Cold War to justify a position of aggression against the Soviets in post-war Europe, especially if such aggression involved the use of nuclear weapons, would be fatuous and criminal. The Cold War may seem tame compared to what might have been left in the wake of Churchill’s proposed World War III, and the Bomb would make this doubly true. For all its problems, the Cold War was the better alternative. Better still would have been a true American policy of goodwill and selfless defense of human rights, versus our self-serving anti-communist imperialism in opposition to our Cold War rivals: Conflicts like Vietnam and Angola, where our culpability for the death of innocents equals or exceeds that of the communists, might have been averted in such a political climate; and hence a far better alternative to a nuclear war in the ‘40s was available to us all along.
Is this a fair summary, up to this point?