The Trump Impeachment Trial

We all know Trump will be acquitted, witnesses or no. Given that, wouldn’t the best case for Dems in November to have him acquitted after witness testimony that will likely bolster the prosecution’s case and weaken the defense? Then all those R Senators who vote to acquit will have to face voters who have seen the fullest explanation possible of the president’s wrongdoing. Seems to me that would be more damaging than simply having to live down a sham trial.

Okay, Judge and Juror. The facts are not in dispute. The President withheld funding that had been legally appropriated by Congress, asked a foreign country for an investigation specifically targeted against the family member of a political opponent, then released the funds only after his actions became public knowledge, and then refused House committee requests to release documents or allow witness testimony pertaining to those actions.

Do those facts rise to the Constitutional standard of “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors,” to be removed from office?

If one disagrees that Trump is obviously guilty, it does not follow that a vote for Trump is a vote for making the President king or above the law. Not that I would vote for Trump in the next election, I’m just pointing out a flaw in your otherwise flawless argument.

~Max

I can see that argument. Personally, I think Dems would benefit more from outrage over a sham trial and the drip of revelations coming out with Bolton’s book and God knows what else will be coming out between now and November. Right now 70% of the country wants witnesses. I think it would be better if Republicans pissed off 70% of the people.

You aren’t the object of sport. If you don’t want to believe me, that’s fine too. I may actually be naive and unexperienced with actual workplaces, govts, theaters of war, or law enforcement activities. I haven’t had personal experience in any of the above except the workplace, and my experience in the workplace may not be representative of everyone else’s (I think it is, but I’ve only worked in one town).

But I’m not trolling you here.

~Max

Speak for yourself, I am still undecided as to whether the president should be removed.

~Max

That’s interesting, I’ll have to look into that.

~Max

This is not my understanding of the [DEL]Republican[/DEL] defense position. More like,

“The articles of impeachment do not allege an impeachable offense.”

“Calling witnesses would be a waste of time because even if witnesses proved everything asserted by the prosecution, we still couldn’t convict the president because there’s nothing to convict him for.”

I disagree with both statements, for the record.

~Max

My understanding of the defense is that the withholding of aid was partly out of concern for corruption in Ukraine (after President Zelenskyy was sworn in), and partly out of concern for foreign aid cost-sharing. In the defense theory, the withholding of funds is not directly linked to the investigation of Hunter Biden or Burisma. The only connection is that both have to do with corruption in Ukraine. But the concerns about corruption that were ostensibly behind the holdup are not about Biden/Burisma.

~Max

I’m with you on this point, Try2B Comprehensive.

But as I tried to explain before, the ostensible controversy about calling witnesses is over whether the articles of impeachment allege an impeachable (convictable) offense, even given the assumption that everything alleged is true.

~Max

For my convenience could you cite the assertion and contradictory testimony?

~Max

I’m not sure how useful “absurd on its face” is as a legal argument; certainly even the most absurd of absurd legal decisions are given at least some minimal consideration, almost by definition. And I don’t think Trump’s defense here that he and Team Giuliani were doing right by America (just outside the normal channels) is worth dismissing without at least getting some basic answers. But let’s look at some of the problems with this, all of which I think have been brought up already in at least some thread you’re involved with:

  1. Bypassing the normal channels (the chain of command) means bypassing any protections built into those organizations for the rights of US persons. E.g., by law the government may not collect intelligence on a US person unless certain conditions are met, and by going outside the normal channel there’s no mechanism in place to ensure those rules are followed. Who is Rudy Giuliani accountable to if he violates those rules?

  2. Bypassing the normal channels is bad for transparency and record-keeping. E.g., can we send FOIA requests to Rudy Giuliani in the same manner that we send them to the state department? Can the state department IG start an internal investigation into Lev Parnas?

  3. Not even telling the normal channels what’s going on leaves the door wide open for confusion, duplicated effort, wasted money, etc. E.g., look at how much money we’ve wasted trying to figure out what Trump was doing because he lacked the foresight to tell anyone in State or the OMB ahead of time what he was doing. Instead of saying, “Oh, Trump is handling this on his own,” people ran to their own chains of command, they ran to lawyers, they filed a whistleblower complaint… what a mess.
    Certainly if you Max S. started a company and were president and CEO, you could very well answer to no one and your response to those concerns could be “fuck off, it’s my company.” You could NOT do that if you were hired as CEO by a board of shareholders, for instance. They would immediately want to know why you were going outside of the company’s normal channels to do something, for all of the same reasons as above. They would want answers, and while maybe it wouldn’t be right to dismiss your answers “on their face,” you would certainly have an uphill battle. If your response was, “Fuck off, I’m the CEO,” you would get fired so fast it would make your head spin, because they did not elect you to be king of the company.

Likewise here… the fact that you’re giving this much credence to Trump’s defense of “I’m the president, fuck off,” suggests that you’re OK with him acting like a king. I think that’s drag dog’s point, but I don’t want to speak for him.

It may be somewhat hyperbolic to say that a vote for Trump is a vote for making him King. But it can be reasonably argued that it will enable and embolden further abuse of power by Trump with impunity, thus placing him above the law in many respects.

Trump has demonstrated an affinity for authoritarianism and admiration of dictators. With 63M supporters (at last count), a GOP that has capitulated all conservative principles and now carries water for the Trump Administration, it may not be said that Trump will crown himself King with a 2020 victory. But it’s naive to think that his supporters would object if he took dramatic steps towards unvarnished authoritarianism (i.e. Putin, Erdogan, etc…).

Misleading, yes. But not a blatant lie. My understanding is that the Burisma investigation was still “open”, but Shokin was purposefully slow-walking it.

~Max

Once again my schedule won’t allow me to watch. Is it too late in the process for impassioned soliloquies about character, character, character? If we get one of those, someone please describe it here.

I’m trying to find Reuters’s source for their quotation of Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Laura Cooper, “On July 25 a member of my staff got a question from a Ukrainian Embassy contact asking what was going on with U.S. security assistance”.

In the highlights of her testimony, released by the House Intelligence Committee the week before that Reuters article, it says “Based on her conversations with Ambassador Volker and Ambassador Bill Taylor, Ms. Cooper understood that Ukrainian officials were aware that the security assistance had been frozen as of August 2019”. p.9 from https://intelligence.house.gov/uploadedfiles/20191111_-cooper_transcript_excerpts_final-_286582365.pdf

In the testimony itself, I found where Ms. Cooper said she had no conversations with Ukrainians during the July-August time period, and was not aware of any specific instances where anyone from the DoD had a conversation with Ukrainians about the hold during July-early September, but that answer was because she couldn’t discern conversations that the embassy might have had with Ukrainians versus the DoD attache in Kyiv. She testified that she didn’t know whether there were emails conveying Ukrainian concerns about security assistance during that time frame.

The quote from Reuters contradicts this testimony, so I’m probably missing something here.

Her testimony is in the spoiler below, reproduced verbatim from p.94-95 of https://docs.house.gov/meetings/IG/IG00/CPRT-116-IG00-D012.pdf

[SPOILER]"Q Are you aware of anyone within the Department of Defense having conversations with Ukrainians about the hold during the July, August, beginning of September time period?

A I’m not aware of specific instances, but I would just recall that we have a team in Embassy Kyiv that are DOD representatives under Ambassador Bill Taylor. So, you know, it would be very hard for me to discern conversations that the embassy side might have had versus the defense attache side.

Q Okay. And I believe you testified earlier that you were in constant communication, or regular communication –

A Right.

Q – with the defense attache in Kyiv. Is that right?

A Yes. To be –

Q Or your staff.

A – completely accurate, my staff, but –

Q And was security assistance a topic that they would have discussed?

A Absolutely. Throughout this entire period of time, our team in Kyiv was acutely aware of the hold and was expressing serious concerns to us.

Q How were those concerns conveyed to you? Were they by email or some other form of communication?

A So to me, it was kind of in-person. So I don’t know whether there were emails to my staff. I would imagine there probably were, and I would imagine there were probably emails, you know, within various DOD components, because everyone focused on implementing the security assistance.

You know, they were engaged in, as I said before, this discussion of how long can we hold off, and so there were multiple DOD offices. But that is not to say that any of these would have necessarily been talking to the Ukrainians. I have no evidence of that."[/SPOILER]
~Max

CBS’s Face the Nation twitter account fills in the gap with:
"NEW: Laura Cooper says since her closed-door testimony earlier this month, her staff has informed her that on July 25 — the same day as Trump’s call with Zelensky — they were asked by a Ukrainian embassy official about “what was going on with Ukraine’s security assistance.”

[Video of Ms. Cooper testifying as to the above]
https://twitter.com/FaceTheNation/status/1197293088420573185

The next step would be to depose her staff so that we aren’t dealing with hearsay.

~Max

The great thing is: You’re both right. This is why Republican senators are completely boned at this point.

If they deny witnesses and push for a quick vote, then the public can see that they did not take any of this seriously and did not even care what the facts were. This will bite them in the ass come election time.

If they allow witnesses, then even more stench is revealed and they risk more people coming forward with even more revelations. Bolton may be the tipping point for others to come forward. There could be a parade of every top official that Trump has thrown under the bus in the past 2 years.

It’s this second scenario that has the Whitehouse (Trump) terrified. This is why he is currently threatening senators.

I expect some of them are getting calls from their Moscow handlers as well.

This was the only part I heard yesterday, and I came away with the same conclusion. As I said before it seems that he is all hung up on the formal article being abuse of power while impounding funds instead of impounding funds to abuse power. A distinction without a difference, in my opinion.

The obstruction defense makes slightly more sense; the President didn’t obstruct any constitutional investigation or inquiry. The argument is that the initial phase of the impeachment investigation was not authorized by the House (and therefore the President didn’t need to comply with subpoenas), and his senior advisors have immunity even after the inquiry was authorized, and because the executive is entitled to immunity any subpoena from the house that denied agency counsel was unconstitutional and therefore without effect.

~Max

Be careful with that argument. By the same logic we get unitary executive theory (which I subscribe to). The executive branch initially consisted solely of the President; the Constitution describes the process for appointing officials but never divests the executive power from the President himself.

~Max