My first position is, that when the Constitution speaks of “treason, bribery, and other high crimes and misdemeanors” it refers to, and includes only, high criminal offenses against the United States, made so by some law of the United States existing when the acts complained of were done; and I say that this is plainly to be inferred from each and every provision of the constitution on the subject of impeachment.
“Treason” and “bribery.” nobody will doubt that these are here designated high crimes and misdemeanors against the United States, made such by the laws of the United States, which the framers of the Constitution knew must be passed in the nature of the Government they were about to create, because these are offenses which strike at the existence of that Government—“other high crimes and misdemeanors.” Noscitur a sociis. High crimes and misdemeanors; so high that they belong in his company with treason and bribery. That is plain on the face of the Constitution in the very first step it takes on the subject of impeachment. "High crimes and misdemeanors; so high that they belong in this company with treason and bribery. That is plain on the face of the Constitution; in the very first step it takes on the subject of impeachment. “High crimes and misdemeanors” against what law? There can be no crime, there can be no misdemeanor without a law, written or unwritten express or implied. There must be some law; otherwise there is no crime. My interpretation of it is that the language “high crimes and misdemeanors” means “offenses against the laws of the United States.” Let us see if the Constitution has not said so.
The first clause of the second section of the second article of the Constitution reads thus: “The President of the United States shall have the power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.” Offenses against the United States" would include “cases of impeachment” and they might be pardoned by the President if they were not excepted. Then cases of impeachment are, according to the express declaration of the Constitution itself, cases of offenses against the United States.
Still, the learned Manager says that this is not a court, and that, whatever may be the character of this body, it is bound by no law. Very different was the understanding of the fathers of the Constitution on this subject.
The next position to which I desire the attention of the Senate is, that there is enough written in the Constitution to prove that this is a court in which a judicial trial is now being carried on. “The Senate of the United States shall have the sole power to try all impeachments.” “When the President is tried the Chief Justice shall preside.” The trial of all crimes, except in case of impeachment, shall be by jury. This, then, is the trial of a crime. You are the triers, presided over by the Chief Justice of the United States in this particular case, and that on the express words of the Constitution. There is also, according to its express words, to be an acquittal or a conviction on this trial for a crime. “No person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present.” There is also to be judgment in case there shall be a conviction.
“Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than removal from office and disqualification to hold any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States.”
Here, then, there is the trial of a crime, a trial by a tribunal designated by the Constitution in place of court and jury, a conviction, if guilt is proved, a judgment on that conviction, a punishment inflicted by the judgment for a crime; and this on the express terms of the Constitution itself. And yet, say the honorable Managers, there is no court to try the crime and no law by which the act is to be judged. The honorable Manager interrupted me to say that he qualified that expression of no law; his expression was “no common or statute law.” Well, when you get out of that field you ar in a limbo, a vacuum, so far as law is concerned, to the best of my knowledge and belief.
I say, them, that it is impossible not to come to the conclusion that the Constitution of the United States has designated impeachable offenses as offenses, that it has provided for the trial of those offenses, that it has established a tribunal for the purpose of trying them, that it has directed the tribunal in case of conviction to pronounce a judgment upon the conviction and inflict a punishment. All this being provided for can it be maintained that this is not a court, or that it is bound by no law? . . .