It is irrefutable fact that human beings acting in concert in a society are more powerful and prosperous than a collection of individuals acting alone. We see this feature in even the most primitive of humans. Society allows specialization; a collection of specialists will operate more efficiently than the same number of absolutely self-sufficient generalists. Eventually, the individualistic humans will be crowded out by the more effective societal humans. It is a measure of the irrefutablity of this observation that there are virtually no absolutely self-sufficient individuals on the planet.
That we must live socially is a given. But to do so, we must create and enforce agreements; we must each agree to forego some actions to make our society effective. For instance, I forego the action of killing my neighbor and looting his possesions so that he is not obligated to defend himself against me. I forego counterfeiting our currency so that I may rely on it as a medium of trade. Likewise, to specialize we must also compel certain behaviors; a person is obliged at the very least to assume the duties of a particular specialization to deserve the support of his society. The set of of prohibitions and compulsions form the social policy of a particular society.
Since the set of social agreements involves a relaxation of one’s defenses and a reliance on other people to do their share, niches become available for criminals and parasites to survive. A criminal is one who ignores the prohibitions for his personal gain; a parasite ignores his obligations. To counter these tendencies, we allow individuals to specialize in defense of our interests and compulsion of social obligations.
What’s really being argued here is (as I’ve so often pointed out) a question of basis and means. On what basis do we evaluate cooperative policy of our society and by what means do we do so?
There are two competing bases: The fundamental basis, Utopianism; and the effective basis, Utilitarianism. Both of these bases may be effectively applied to different aspects of discussions of policy. Utopianism is the generalization of the concept that what is necessary to one is necessary for all; contrawise what is intolerable to one is intolerable for all. Utilitarianism is concerned with the subjective valuation of the good or harm of a course of action.
Both Utopianism and Utilitarianism ultimately depend on a subjective valuation of good, harm, necessity and intolerance. Since human beings show a wide variety of subjective evaluations, any argument of values will rest on both the popularity of the evaluation, and its relative strength. Even if only a minority of the population are slaves, the strength of their objection gives disproportional weight to their subjective evaluation of the harm of slavery.
There are three primary effective decision making means: Force, popularity and reason. Not even the most die-hard Libertarian can deny the importance of force. Ultimately the protection against compulsion depends on force, justified by its restriction to self-defense. Popularity is an extension of the use of force. It is a simple observation that numerical superiority will generally prevail in contests of force; to accept the results of a poll or election recognizes the likely outcome of such a contest without the necessity to engage in bloodshed. Reason and logic allow us to predict the consequences of possibilities and implement the one with the most eventual benefit with the least amount of relative risk.
Since this thread seems to be discussing the relative merits between “social democracy” and “libertarianism”, I will offer my interpretation of the above arguments the two societal philosophies.
I’ll operationally define “Social Democracy” as the common philosophical and practical elements of the United States, Canada and virtually all Latin America and Western European societies. All of these societies feature relatively tolerant rules of individual behavior, protection of minority viewpoints, and taxation for the general welfare and common endeavors. There is no denying the empirical success of this general form of society. Since WW II, only a handful of Asian nations have acheived any level of material prosperity without adopting it, and, as the level of prosperity rises in these Asian nations, the call for tolerance of personal opinion and behavior becomes increasingly widespread and insistent.
From both a Utopian and Utilitarian perspective, Social Democracy provides a relatively non-violent means of negotiating competing value systems. Few results are “perfect”, but there is no universal definition of perfect anyway.
I’ve argued some fundamental criticisms of Libertarian philosophy in Government financing in a free society. I won’t repeat the full argument here, but in essence I argue that the Libertarian philosophy (specifically the definition of “freedom”) is arbitrary, in that it has no intrinsic value, undesirable in that it is contrary to the self-interest of most people, and impractical as it does not promote and protect the specialization necessary for a prosperous and efficient society. Additionally, the Utopian evaluation of intolerability of taxation is not widely held; such an evaluation can only be termed idiosyncratic.