[QUOTE=Little Nemo]
Who gets to invoke executive privilege? Karl Rove and his lawyer? I don’t think so.
Has President Bush declared Rove is protected by executive privilege? A declaration by the President should be the bare minimum for such immunity.
Because I don’t think there’s any legal precedent for a private citizen to declare himself immune from being subpoenaed on the basis that he used to work in the White House.
[/QUOTE]
That’s a very valid question.
Let’s consider some analogies from the Fifth Amendment, which contains a privilege everyone is familiar with – the right to avoid self-incrimination.
Now, the courts have defined this privilege pretty extensively. In order to preserve the privilege, we don’t permit the prosecution to call the accused as a witness. If he testifies, it can only be for his defense. But we go a bit farther than that: we don’t even permit the prosecutor to mention to the jury that the accused hasn’t testified. Such a mention is grounds for an instant mistrial… not only do we not require actual testimony, then, but we also protect the privilege by not permitting the state to argue that anyone should draw a negative inference from the right to not testify.
Now let’s return to executive privilege. How is it claimed? Unfortunately, we don’t have anywhere near the volume of case law that we have on Fifth Amendment privilege. But one valid way of looking at it might be that we have to balance out the competing interests. In fact, that’s exactly what US v. Nixon says we should do. When the testimony is required in a criminal case, the need for executive privilege is much less. Here, there’s no criminal case; Congress is holding hearings as part of its legislative function. (It must be, because only then can Congress consider inherent contempt).
So Congress’ goal is to gather information to assist it in making new laws. Against that backdrop, we have the recognized need for general privileged communications for the President. Nixon v. Sirica, 159 U.S. App. D.C. 58, 487 F.2d 700 (1973), held that such Presidential communications are “presumptively privileged.”
On the other hand, to support the idea that a witness may simply ignore a subpoena without any kind of official assertion of privilege would be to eviscerate the power of Congress to subpoena, and that’s an absurd result.
At a minimum, then, in my view a witness should be required to respond to the subpoena, stating the specific grounds that he believes are privileged and thus beyond the reach of Congressional subpoena. If Congress has reason to believe that the executive does NOT claim the privilege the witness asserts, then burden is on the witness to show that he is acting in accordance with the President’s wishes – that is, that the President is exercising his privilege with respect to the evidence in question.
But you’ll note I said, “In my view…” above. That’s because there’s no case law laying out how this should work. It’s perfectly defensible (although I don’t personally agree) for Rove to take the position that Congress knows what it’s asking is covered and he doesn’t have to appear. This is how cases are developed-- I’m quoting from US v. Nixon now, guidance we wouldn’t have if Nixon had said, “Here you go – all the tapes are right here.”