Well, Squink, a lot of them did die trying during Gulf War I, so I don’t think anyone can argue that it’s unearned.
The problem is as LC defined it. Self-interest is always what drives foreign policy. Of the list of four that he defined, the only one that should legitimately drive foreign policy is number four. Further, national interest should be strictly defined in terms of three things:
1 - National defense against either actual attack or imminent, obvious threats, in wartime.
2 - In peacetime, commercial interests, with strict neutrality in conflicts between two nations either in our hemisphere or two nations outside our hemisphere being the overriding consideration.
3 - The Monroe Doctrine, which was used to good effect, for instance, by President Grover Cleveland to force the British to negotiate with Venezuela when they threatened actual war over the border between British Guyana and Venezuela.
Yes, terrorism is missing from the list. If it’s state sponsored, number one covers it, and would have covered the war against Afghanistan. If not, then it’s an intelligence and a police problem, not a military one, and as it does not involve inter-state relations, has no bearing on foreign policy.
We have enormous military and economic power, but like any such power, the threat is always worse than the execution.
Moreso, it has the power to seriously unbalance any conflict that we stick our noses in. I would bring up historical or current non-Iraq examples, but that would just bog us down, so lets keep it in Iraq.
Saddam kept Iraq together by means of an iron fist, as we all know. We have now stuck our noses in between the Sunnis, the Shia, and the Kurds, and as of now, the Sunnis I’m sure are feeling seriously oppressed because they have the most to lose by Saddam’s loss of power. So whether we like it or not, we have chosen sides in the internal struggle between these three ethnic groups, and thereby shifted the balance of power in favor of the Shiites. This is an absurd position for us to be in, and as a practical matter it means that if, after a period of years, whatever democracy we install degenerates into a Shiite dictatorship that slaughters Sunnis and Kurds without mercy, the rest of the world will be justified in pointing the finger at us and blaming us for having unleashed that particular whirlwind.
So, it may look moral now, but the real test is how it will look a decade or two from now. And the lesson is simple, regardless of how this turns out: we should, quite literally, mind our own business.