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Misleading. “Trade volume” does not equal “profit to the US.”
In just the same way, a retail store’s profit may be a tiny fraction of its sales volume. For that matter, a store can theoretically have a large sales volume and still lose money (if there is a low markup and the store has high overhead expenses).
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This is a non-sequitur, since no such claim was made. Ideed, given that trade is made up of hundreds of thousands of transactions, the total “profit to the US” would be impossible to measure.
“Trade volume” is simply a measure of the importance of economic activity. The claim was that the economic activity between Israel and the US wasn’t significant - unlike that between the US and Germany - and that this distinction was a logical reason to protect the one and not the other. This claim is rebutted with facts - namely, the volume of trade.
Now, if you wish to posit the claim that the trade with Israel is actually run at a net loss to the US (and thus presumably to the US companies engaging in it), I’d of course be delighted to hear it - again, with some facts attached, as this would be a most extraordinary claim.
This is exactly the point I’ve been explaining. At this point, I get the feeling you aren’t really listening, since you keep repeating the question rather than engaging with the ideas. But I shall continue to try.
In crude economic terms, leaving aside for the moment any notions of justice, ideology or morality, it is in the best interests of the US to exist in a world composed of first-world nations. Such nations contribute directly to the well-being of the US, and to its wealth. Isolationism and autarky are extremely impoverishing.
Thus (and once again in purely self-interested terms), it is more in the interests of the US to preserve and protect existing first-world democracies than to preserve and protect third-world dictatorships. The loss of a first-world democracy would, in effect, impoverish the world to the extent of that country’s contributions to that world, and to the trade and other relationships - personal, scientific, educational - with the US.
This was true of Germany facing the Soviet menace; it remains true (albeit on a considerably smaller scale) of Israel facing the Islamicist menace. The Soviet-ization of Germany would have been “bad”, not only for the Germans, but for everyone else in the world, who would lose the benefit of German trade, industry, and science - at least, lose the difference between what free Germany is capable of and what Soviet Germany would be capable of. Since the US is the largest trading partner, it would lose most. Hence, it makes hard financial sense to spend some money to prevent this from happening.
The same of course would be true (again, albeit on a smaller scale) with the case of Israel.
I have already posted on the volume of trade. In addition, there are other contributions - science being a major one, the arts another - in which Israel has contributed to the world (and of which the US reaps some of the benefits).
Again, this is purely in answer to “what do [we] get out of the deal?”. However, it isn’t a complete answer, since the cost of not supporting Israel - assuming of course that this non-support makes Israel’s fall more likely - goes far beyond merely losing Israel. Such a loss, as previously explained, would very likely have serious effects in other places - it would encourage those forces which directly threaten to replace liberal democracies with Islamicist dictatorships.
While the victory of these forces is unlikely, it is unlikely only because many people make a concerted effort to ensure that it remains unlikely - for example, by the support of Israel which you deplore.