If Czarcasm agrees that the 2nd amendment guarantees a right to individual gun ownership, you seem to have caught him out in an inconsistency.
Do you know if Czarcasm believes that the 2nd amendment guarantees a right to individual gun ownership? My impression is that he does not, but I might be misremembering.
Sure, but then you just push the inconsistency up the chain. If one concludes that the Constitution protects abortion rights because SCOTUS says it does, one must also conclude that the Constitution protects an individual right to gun ownership because SCOTUS says it does that, too. And even if the argument for the constitutional right to an abortion doesn’t rely on Supreme Court precedent, it’s I think pretty obvious (however one stands on the 2nd amendment) that the Constitution more explicitly protects some form of gun rights than it does any form of abortion rights.
That being the case, I don’t see how Bricker’s main point isn’t valid; whatever framework one wants to apply to analyzing Constitutional claims, the framework for analyzing explicitly protected rights needs to be at least as strict as that for analyzing implicitly protected rights. It’s not a hijack to ask what that framework should be, because that’s the core of the question! Only once one has a method for doing the analysis can one do the analysis.
It was entirely the state’s decision to limit where care could be sought. And yet we do not raise the inaccessibility of care as a violation of patient’s rights, unless it is abortion being sought. Faulty logic, IMHO. If abortion is to be regulated as any other medical procedure then abortion rights supporters ought not hold it out for special consideration not giver to other limitations on care.
So hospitals should not be able to refuse involvement with abortion providers? Yet left leaning organizations seem to wildly support the commercial veto when it comes to the sale of drugs for the implementation of the death penalty.
It seems rather inconsistent to require a business involvement in the case of abortion but not require another business to involve itself with selling its product in the case of the death penalty.
I disagree that this is an apt analogy. Casey held that states may favor life over abortion and may as a matter of public policy discourage abortions so long as the state does not put an “undue burden” on a woman who is seeking an abortion.
Is having to drive 300 miles to get an abortion an undue burden? Beats the hell out of me because, as Scalia points out, the majority is not clear on how much of a burden is “due.” All of these cases come down to judges pointing out how a particular abortion regulation acts and then baldly declaring that the regulation does or does not present an undue burden.
This is all a dress rehearsal anyways until one more conservative justice is on the Court and would overrule Roe and Casey 5-4.
What is the state going to do to ensure the health, education, and safety of all these newly saved babies? Seems to me an important question. I can understand the desire to want to limit the amount of abortions that happen on principal, but what are they doing to ensure that they don’t happen in the first place?
Free access to birth control? State mandiated chastity belts?
I’m just curious what the plan is here. Not trying to be snarky.