** Maeglin **, *"If you want to take a course in feminist historiography, unfortunately you have to swallow a fat load of Marxism.
There is nothing inherent about the connection between Marxism and feminism yet. It’s just the way the academic winds have blown for the past forty years or so, for lack of anything better. Such courses don’t always have to have a political agenda, per se, but they are always going to have a bias. This is pretty much the case with all courses, though the bias often seems to be “generic,” as I believe one poster already suggested."*
Maeglin, first let me say that I’ve been following this thread, though too busy to post, and I’m sympathetic to what you’ve been saying here (and in the other thread) in response to december. But I do want to demur with respect to some of the above. My own educational background, btw, isn’t in Women Studies, but I have taught courses that are cross-listed in Women Studies.
You suggest here that the connection between feminist critique and Marxism is mere historical accident. But that’s a bit misleading and it also overstates the role of Marxist theory in feminist criticism and in women studies departments.
First, academic feminism comes in many varieties and the notion of studying women (as opposed to studying the construction of gender) is, by and large, prior to the influence of Marxian critical theory. The idea of women studies is rather more to do with the civil rights movement than to do with the influence of critical theory (whether Marxist, poststructuralist, or what have you). To put it simply, from that view, women weren’t being represented sufficiently in academia–either as objects of knowledge or as scholars–and so the answer was to devote interdisciplinary study to women as part of a broad-based equal-rights-oriented feminist movement. The political and philosophical underpinnings here are liberal, not Marxist or poststructuralist.
By contrast to women studies is gender studies: the idea that gender is a social construct for men as well as women. Marxism comes into play here because Marx provided certain philosophical tools for explaining the historical origins of certain of our most cherished beliefs: in this case, the idea that to be masculine men should behave in a certain way; and to be feminine women should behave a certain way. Postructuralism also influences the gender studies perspective: so, for example, Foucault-influence feminist scholars might think about gender in relation to power, or the accumulation of certain kinds of knowledge in the biological or social sciences.
Now most feminist scholars of my generation (I’m in my late 30s and my PhD dates from the late 90s) really see themselves as informed by gender studies. They may actually wish that Women Studies were called gender studies: not just to be inclusive (as someone said above) but also to avoid the (pernicious) appearance that women are the only humans who have genders; (and also to avoid identity politics in crude form). For the same reason, such feminists will tend to see feminism as something that concerns men as well as women, and they will often want to teach courses on masculinity/men. Sometimes (though not always) feminists of this stripe have serious differences with feminists of the earlier variety.
Now here’s the deal on the politics and the debate with pldennison. Yes, there is an inevitable political implication to the idea that gender is socially constructed: that “femininity,” along with “masculinity,” is not a fact of nature but a product of historically variable conditions.
There are political implications for the simple reason that so many conservatives resist this idea. But the same kind of built-in political implication exists for many kinds of learning. For example, many economics textbooks naturalize a brand of economic thinking that supports the political status quo; often the rightish end of that spectrum.
Speaking purely for myself: a lot of my teaching centers on nineteenth-century history and it would be very difficult to teach that–to teach about imperialism, for example–without revealing a generally left-of-center perspective.
That’s not to say that there aren’t conservative historians at some colleges and universities who teach about imperialism; but certainly the methods through which I’ve been trained to study history are based on liberal, materialist, and poststructuralist philosophical positions. Let me stress: that doesn’t mean that the methods I employ lack “objectivity”–certainly not any more than any other set of philosophically grounded methods. What it means is that the objectivity I bring to bear as a scholar and teacher is towards the end of seeing society, culture, and/or events as the products of complex historical conditions; and that’s inevitably different than someone who, say, tends to see history as the acts of great individuals (usually men), or of a static human nature, or an inevitable march of progress. And these historical approaches also had strong political implications.
OTOH–and again this is just me speaking for myself–I’m very conscious of the fact that students’ these days are wary of politics and I try to be sensitive about that. But precisely because I try to be sensitive about it, I don’t try to affect some position of alleged neutrality. Instead I try to explain where I’m coming from, never to hector, to keep electoral politics entirely out of the classroom, and, whenever possible, to give some airtime to opposing viewpoints and even debate.