Ossoff has recently moved into my #1 slot. I’ve been watching shorts from his Senate campaign and he is an incredible candidate. Swagger, presence, great messaging. He’s in with the Black community, he’s won in a purple state and he isn’t afraid to go after MAGA. He just reminds me of a young Obama. Doesn’t hurt that he’s a millennial who’s also easy on the eyes.
If we get double-digit inflation next year, or a 50 percent stock correction, sure. Eventually, both will happen, and it will have something to do with Donald Trump, but there’s no predicting when it will happen.
The accuracy of that story has long been questioned, but it may have happened. On the other hand, consider Abigail Adams’s description of Washington: “He is polite with dignity, affable without familiarity, distant without haughtiness, grave without austerity, modest, wise, and good.”
The 22nd amendment specifically did not apply to Truman or any prior presidents, so the third term isn’t a problem, but he might be considered unable to perform his duties by the 25th amendment.
Josh Shapiro was on MSNOW yesterday (their programming was almost as political as it is every day … they spent very little time on parades and fireworks) talking to Jen Psaki. He was the first politician to raise the subject that I dearly want to hear: what constitutional amendments do we need to recover from Trumpism. And he finished with “…and I will do everything I can to support this” which came this close to announcing his candidacy.
“Anti-corruption”. I wish I’d recorded it so I could provide more details. It just made me prick up my ears because it’s the first time I’d heard “constitutional amendments” in any public discourse.
Does forcing folk to go on record supporting the ability of the Executive to pilfer profusely still accomplish something? Or does it get mocked as performative?
I don’t think this would be performative the way impeachment ended up being, because we’ve never actually run the Article V process on an anti‑graft amendment. Impeachment had already been politically routinized; a constitutional amendment hasn’t.
And it only works if the amendment is written broadly. Trump’s alleged graft has been concentrated in crypto, but if you write an amendment that only targets crypto, it looks like a one‑off aimed at a single person. A general anti‑self‑dealing amendment that applies to any president forces a real institutional test instead of a symbolic gesture.
Republicans have spent years attacking Hunter Biden over alleged graft. Fine — take them at their word. A broad anti‑graft amendment gives them a chance to prove they actually oppose presidential self‑dealing in principle.
Running it through the congressional route (2/3 in both chambers) and then through the state‑ratification route would put everyone on record about whether they support limiting presidential graft. That’s not performative — that’s creating a durable public record of who is genuinely willing to restrict executive self‑enrichment.