Michael Jacobs: There is no question about that, unless he completely changes his views on climate change, which he might do; we do not really know how much of this was just campaign rhetoric, but he is pretty much on record as a climate change denier. He has said he would support the American coal industry, which is on its way out, as indeed is the coal industry in most parts of the world now—coal-fired power stations and so on—and that he would rip up the Paris Agreement. The Paris Agreement was very cleverly designed. The international community is not stupid. There is a four-year withdrawal period after a country notifies that it might wish to withdraw, which clearly takes you beyond one presidential term, and that is not a coincidence.
My general judgment is it would be very bad—it is very bad—for the general global movement towards reducing emissions and climate change, which received this huge boost in Paris, where finally the world came together around very serious long-term goals for all countries. That has been reinforced by the very rapid transition into international law this year, within a year, the HFCs treaty, the fact that the International Civil Aviation Organization now has a climate policy and so on. There has been a lot of progress, and all of that is without question challenged and put at risk by the election of an American President who does not believe in it, does not want to act and is tearing up American domestic law.
It does not stop it all happening. America will remain part of the Paris Agreement until it formally withdraws, and although American policy will change, a lot of American policy is driven by the states and it is driven by the economy. The reason why Texas is putting in lots of wind power is not that President Obama wants to do climate policy; it is because wind power is cheap, and it is defeating coal and oil on the grid, with some tax credit subsidies but basically without subsidy, and that is happening all over the US. Solar power and wind power are powering ahead in the US, as in the rest of the world, and presidential decree does not change that.
There is no question but that it is very bad, but we should not regard this as the end of climate policy in the US, let alone internationally. The reason why countries are all embarked on the decarbonisation process, slower or faster, is that it is good for the economy, it is good for air quality and so on and so forth. This now has a momentum which is economic and cultural, not just political, and certainly not just driven by an international treaty.
That was my general point about President Trump. In answer to your specific question, I think it will force progressive countries together on this. This will incentivise the EU to remain very close to the UK, assuming the UK remains a climate leader, and there is no reason to think the new Prime Minister is not as much as previous ones have been. I think the same will be true with Norway, with Switzerland and with other countries. The so-called high ambition alliance, which was the driving force of the Paris Agreement—it was an alliance of European countries, some other developed countries, including the US, the least developed countries, the islands, and so on—I think will be reinforced by this, and those are the vast majority of countries. China is doing this for its own reasons and so on. This will reinforce international co-operation among all those countries that want to continue to act on climate change.
The Chairman: Thank you. That is an interesting perspective.
Dr Doug Parr: I agree with Mike on an awful lot of that. This is not the end. If you look at the factors that underpinned the success of the Paris Agreement—things like, yes, the impacts of climate change were becoming more real and, yes, we had a helpful presidency in the White House—let us not forget there was also a significant change of heart in China, driven by its domestic concerns around air pollution, coal and so on. A massive part of it was also the collapsing cost of renewable power in particular, which made something that looked incredibly expensive in the failed negotiations at Copenhagen start to look a fairly good idea, and those things are not changing. For states like the UK, which sit outside a negotiating bloc—I, too, think that that is a matter of regret, but we are where we are—there could be other initiatives around new technology, like the Indian solar initiative, where trying to effect things that are delivered rather than talking through the metrics of plans and targets would be a way forward, which would obviously change facts on the ground in a helpful and supportive way to the international process.