U.S., thank you, and I had no problem buying beer when I was underage, but I realized that was illegal. That was my point. It would be a pain in the ass to go through life without ID, which was intended to acknowledge what a drag that must be, not disbelief. And yet we still require such evidence, however people circumvent that requirement.
This thread seems to be strenuously trying to categorize people into unambiguous camps, to make sure everyone understands what jersey one is wearing. I think that’s why there is some of the scolding and head shaking and talking past each other. I, for example, am on the record saying it should be as reasonably easy as possible and that I consider the Texas laws (as an example) as being more burdensome that I would prefer. I also said I’d make birth certificates free, or install a board that could consider individual circumstances if alternate evidence is the only evidence available. But that was ignored IMO because I haven’t unequivocally condemned the current voter ID laws. So in fact, I’m on the record as being in the camp that says I don’t think the current design is optimal, in any instance where the evidence for the “free ID” will cost some non-trivial amount of money.
But the argument is more nuanced than that. “Less than optimal” is not enough to overturn a law, IMO. I can’t (won’t) go back and read all 150 pages of a thread I’ve read sporadically, and that pisses some off who seem to have a lot of emotion invested in the thread, including what they said back on page 32 or whatever. Fair enough. It seems to me that this thread has thoroughly distilled the matter down to what is opinion and, shockingly, not everyone shares the same one. It has not, I don’t think, rendered the matter into a reasonable set of conclusive facts for either side. If someone believes it serves a valid function, and the impact for voter fraud is (1) only a factor in close elections and (2) impossible to accurately assess historically because of the nature of undetected fraud–how do you argue that away except with facts (not anecdotes)?
I think it’s a reasonable opinion that fraud is miniscule and that the remedy will disenfranchise a substantial percentage of people. But that’s an opinion as well, right? It comes down to what one considers an undue burden. ANY requirement will cause SOME number of people to not vote who otherwise would have. I speculate that it is a very, very small number of people who have virtually no means of meeting the requirement. But that’s speculation. For everyone else, the question is, where is the “lazy line,” the point beyond which it’s just not reasonable to ask such a thing of people, but short of it it, well, you’re just not motivated enough to bother? That’s pure opinion. But if your position is that these laws serve absolutely no material purpose, your line will be different than if you believe it does. And neither person will be “wrong.”
I support the judges who have said, “No, that’s not enough time to expect compliance with this law.” But I also agree with those who say where no legal issue has been found, it’s incumbent on the detractors to provide some evidence that the laws will do what they predict before I could support overturning a duly ratified law. I jumped back into the thread when someone offered an example that was bullshit. One can be sympathetic to the trouble that Texas fellow went through, but he was a fail of an example since he can vote if he wants.
Some other specifics. “These laws were in part motivated by the desire to suppress Democratic votes.” Check, I agree. But that doesn’t mean that the laws themselves are not legitimate or can’t serve a valid purpose. Which leads only to the execution and details…
“These laws, as currently designed, place an undue burden on the poor.” They certainly place a disproportionate burden on them, but that’s unavoidable except by degree. The poor have less discretionary energy to devote to ANYTHING additional. They have enough to worry about as it is. But if we stop there then no law is acceptable in the absence of hard evidence that it remedies widespread fraud, where widespread equals “more than what the impact would be on voter turnout.” If we take it further and say that it’s legitimate to guard against a fraudulent outcome in a tight election and that it can be a burden but not an unreasonable one, then we’re back on the same endless cycle of opinion, ISTM.