I like a lot of these ideas about campaign finance reform. Here are some additional thoughts:
The two big money problems in this issue are 1) candidates with more money can win just by outspending those with less, and 2) candidates can get the needed money by being “bought” by big contributors. I don’t think either of those problems is something we need to, or will be able to, wipe out completely. Richer candidates will never submit to being held entirely level with poor ones in their expenditures, and some politicians will always be sleazeballs for sale to the highest bidder. What I think is crucially necessary is not aiming for perfect equality and integrity but guaranteeing that the little guys get a fighting chance. Qualified candidates don’t need a perfectly level playing field as long as they get reasonable levels of exposure and access.
That means that there will have to be public financing of campaigns, which I think is reasonable: after all, all PR/public service information from the government about what politicians are doing once they’re in office is produced on the public’s dime, and I think information about politicians when they’re trying to get into office is equally important. A worthwhile experimental model might be the new Maine Clean Election Act, which awards qualified candidates campaigning money if they commit to accepting no other campaign funding (a nice selling point, too).
To keep clean-money candidates from being absolutely swamped in the ad blitz from lobby-financed ones, we’re going to have to resign ourselves to some restrictions on political advertising. I think, though, that these should be tightest on the advertising media that are most ubiquitous and most expensive: that means TV for the most part (possibly radio too, and billboards?). Those ads should be, as somebody else has proposed, publicly funded, equally allotted, and randomly selected for display. This would leave candidates free to exercise their First Amendment rights on the more arduous ways of reaching the public (pamphleting, door-to-door, etc.).
There should also be publicly- or nonprofit-funded distribution of information about candidates in a standard format for easy comparison, as Project Vote Smart is starting to do (and as the League of Women Voters has been doing for a while). This would include debates, which as many posters have pointed out should be made more accessible to small-party candidates. (Couldn’t we maybe have a kind of round-robin sequence of debates if there are too many candidates to debate at the same time? It would be tricky to determine “winners” to go on to subsequent debates, but it might appeal to the American sporting spirit. :))
Gad’s “black-box” approach to campaign contributions sounds like a good idea, but I don’t think it will be possible or necessary to make the donations totally anonymous—clever buyers and sellers will always be able to establish contact with each other. What I suggest is scooping a nice healthy “processing-fee” percentage off the top of contributions, and using the money for the public campaign financing described above. Maybe make the fee scale progressive, so that the more you give to “your” candidates, the bigger a chunk of it gets distributed among all the candidates. That might tone down somewhat donors’ enthusiasm for making big contributions, too.
For my next post: an examination of the proposal that we actually need more federal representatives. (No, listen! Wait, don’t throw that! It’s not really a wild-eyed liberal big-government scheme, but is based on the premise that as our citizen-to-representative ratio has mounted well above that of most European nations our politicians have become less accountable to their constituencies, and that more reps with stronger constituent ties and less bloated staffs might even save us money as well as governing more effectively.)