Historians have identified a (controversial) number of “party systems” in American history, each beginning and ending with a decisive election:
First Party System: 1792-1816. Federalists (Hamilton, Adams) vs. Democratic-Republicans (Madison, Jefferson).
Era of Good Feelings: 1816-1824. Democratic-Republicans ascendant, Federalists marginalized.
Second Party System: 1837-1852. Democrats (Andrew Jackson) vs. Whigs (Henry Clay).
Third Party System: 1854-1896. Republicans (mainly Northeastern and Midwestern power base) vs. Democrats (in control of the “Solid South” from 1874).
Fourth Party System: 1896-1932. Republicans (McKinley, Teddy Roosevelt; in the ascendant) vs. Democrats (Woodrow Wilson).
Fifth Party System: Began in 1933 with the FDR Administration, but whether it came to an end in the 1960s, or the 1990s, or is still with us, is controversial. I incline to the theory that the failure of Goldwater in 1964, followed by the growth of Goldwater’s wing of the party into “movement conservatism,” which ultimately triumphed in 1980 with the election of Reagan, represents the emergence of the
Sixth Party System: Which we’re living in now. Includes the “Republican Revolution” of 1994. The Sixth Party System has been characterized by a wholesale exchange of the Dems’ and Pubs’ geographical-regional bases, following the success of Nixon’s “Southern Strategy,” which broke the “Solid South” and transformed the GOP into a predominantly Southern party (which would have bemused both Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis to no end). This realignment has resulted in making both parties more ideologically homogeneous than they were before – conservative “Southern Democrats” and liberal “Rockefeller Republicans” have alike been marginalized, or or else switched party affiliation. However, in the process, both parties have shifted their political center-of-gravity to the right.
The Dems took control of Congress in 2006; most pundits expect them to increase their majority this November; and Obama is leading McCain in the presidential polls. I’m thinking this might mean the end for movement-conservative predominance. In the next decade, the Democrats will be in the ascendant, and the most important political fights will be between their pro-business and left-populist wings (Obama represents the former, by the way; his economic policies and advisors are mostly Chicago-School libertarian). The Republicans may recoup their fortunes by marginalizing the movement conservatives within their ranks and becoming a party that has a place for liberals, as the party was in Nixon’s day; indeed, many conservatives already feel marginalized, and have loudly said so, by McCain’s candidacy.
However, this does not mean movement conservatism will be entirely irrelevant; it still has a vast network of well-funded think-tanks, grassroots organizations, and wholly-owned media outlets. It will be interesting to see what role they play as a party-in-opposition – not only to the Dems but to the Pub institutional leadership – in the coming period.
A good description of “movement conservatism” can be found in Right Nation by John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge; excerpted here.