Justice Scalia on 60 Minutes: Scary Quote

The government does seem to step on that one though by side stepping due process so we get a neat little circle here.

If you cannot violate the Eight Amendment till the person is convicted of something then simply deny them a trial and have your way with them. That seems to be the current scheme anyway. Heck, they are being kept on a military base in Cuba specifically to avoid issues of granting them due process rights. Then toss in “enemy combatants” to further muddy the waters.

Looks to me like the current government is doing its level best to avoid answering the questions coming up here because they are on (to me at least) legally dubious ground.

The SCOTUS, which should be there to reign in the excesses of the other branches of government, is complicit instead and giving them a blank check to do as they please.

I see Scalia as an ultra conservative who will scrape for anything to defend his positions. He is trying to define away a crime, torture. But the crime still exists.

Nothing to do with the constitutional argument, but now the Justice Department is taking the position that international laws against torture, and the president’s executive order affirming same, might or might not restrict the actions of agents in the field depending on the purpose of the torture.

I have seen no evidence that any of the others has been asked this question; until they are, it is a moot point, and we cannot infer anything about the views of the others on this topic. Scalia has been asked, and provided a controversial answer which is not defensible by speculating about what the other kids do.

Why on earth would you assume that? You act as if the constitution consisted of only the 8th amendment and that we don’t have any laws. You don’t need the 8th amendment to protect you against torture. It is intended to address issues of punishment once you are convicted of a crime. Other parts of the constitution, as well as the legal code, can be used to prevent the government for torturing you during an interrogation.

Uh huh. But the fact is that Bricker is correct - no Supreme Court has defined the Eighth Amendment prohibition to apply to anyone but convicted criminals.

Invited to do so in 1977, in Ingraham v. Wright, the Court declined - that was a corporal punishment case, but the majority opinion is very clear where the Eighth Amendment prohibition applies.

It certainly wouldn’t seem to apply to persons detained and not convicted in an Iraqi prison. Again, other protections are due them, but the Eighth Amendment does not apply.

Punishment: Any fine, penalty, or confinement inflicted upon a person by the authority of the law and the judgment and sentence of a court, for some crime or offense committed by him, or for his omission of a duty enjoined by law. - Black’s Law Dictionary, 5th Ed.

Folks, the term “cruel and unusual punishment” didn’t just spring up out of nowhere when it was put into the Eighth Amendment. In the Bill of Rights of 1689, passed in England and adopted by William III and Mary II, Parliament declared:

. See, the very same language.

There is a sad tendency among people today to ignore the fact that much of the Constitution’s text comes to us with history attached to it. The debate in this thread is an example. We cannot simply look at the term “punishment” and run to our Websters’ and say, “but it says it means ANY ‘severe, rough or disastrous treatment’!” (to use one of the definitions found at Merriam-Webster OnLine). The phrase “cruel and unusual punishment” has a specific, long-established meaning. This is not to say that there is not room for debate about what it includes. Even at the time of the passage of the acts that became the American Bill of Rights, there was doubt exactly what it would cover (see, for example, the discussion at Eighth Amendment - GPO Access WARNING: pdf file!). But the concept of extending the meaning to something totally not in the realm of what was covered is not to be condoned.

And, indeed, the Supreme Court of the United States has agreed. In Ingraham v. Wright, 430 U.S. 651 (1977), the Court specifically refused to apply the provisions to non-criminal punishment situations. In that case, the Court did not apply the amendment to corporal punishment of school children. In refusing to apply the amendment, the Court did not rule on whether or not such punishment was “cruel and unusual.” Rather, the Court said that the actions were prohibited, if at all, by the “due process” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

We have the same situation here. We have action by the federal government that is not occurring post-conviction. It is, thus, not “punishment” as that term is used by the Eighth Amendment. This should not scare anyone, because there are ample other protections available to protect people from “torture.” To the extent that those provisions do not apply to people we are “torturing” in some place overseas, then the provisions of the Eighth Amendment wouldn’t apply anyway: it means that they are outside the scope of protection from the U.S. Constitution regardless of which clause we are working with.

If that’s the case, then why didn’t Scalia just say so? Why go through the trouble of making a pedantic argument about the wording rather just claiming that the Amendment didn’t apply?

The way Scalia answered the question took the Iraq circumstances out of the equation. He argued that torturing for information is Constitutional regardless of the status of the victims. Scalia didn’t say that US citizens has any more protection from torture under the 8th Amendment than thsoe Iraqi civilians herded into the torture camps in Iraq.

Uh huh. Scalia is very consistent with his views, and will accept that they take him to places where other people feel uncomfortable. If it’s right, it’s right. That doesn’t mean you have to agree with him, and I know you rare care for the facts in your quest to blindly demonize everyone who disagrees with you anyway. But to say that he’s a partisan hack is a massive indication that you are NOT PAYING ATTENTION.

But, if the Fifth Amendment does not apply to people who are being “tortured” in Iraq, for example, neither does the Eighth Amendment.

So no one is using the concept that “torture” isn’t “punishment” to avoid the reach of the Constitution. If you aren’t protected by the Fifth Amendement, the Eighth is equally out of reach. :wink:

Not that anyone’s paying attention to my posts in here — :smiley: — but he did not argue that at all. It’s like how you often say that (your) atheism is a lack of belief in God, not a belief in NoGod. Same same for Scalia, who argues that some things, like torture for information, are simply not covered in the Constitution. That doesn’t make them Constitutional.

Yeah…great. It seems prohibitions against torture are all over the place in US law, US Constitutional law and International law. Yet the Bush administration has managed to sidestep the lot and explicitly condone it as a matter of policy.

I won’t apologize for grasping at another straw to strengthen the case against torture. And as noted above only the most narrow reading of the definition of “punishment” allows you to ignore a prohibition against “cruel and unusual punishment” as not covering torture.

Because it’s true even in the US. Scalia was correct. I only point out the confusion because some people, like you, are arguing in this thread that the 8th amendment applies to Iraqis in Iraq.

No he did not. He argued that it doesn’t violate the 8th amendment.

Whilst I would rarely find myself defending Scalia, the point here is that prior to being convicted of a crime you are protected by due process clauses in the 5th and 14th (if I’m remembering correctly, if not someone will surely nitpick) which prevent any punishment, not merely cruel and unusual ones. These are much stronger protections, and quite rightly so as the state has not established its case against the subject before a court of law. That Scalia didn’t point this out strikes me as rather odd, but that’s really neither here nor there.

Note: I am ignoring all jurisdictional issues arising with regards to actions committed on foreign soil.

Very true. And correct, on the part of the Justice, as well. :wink:

There is no such limitation in the text, true.

However, cases have found that the Constitution’s reach is limited geographically. The Court in Johnson v. Eisentrager pointed out the problems. Does the Fifth Amendment protect non-citizens overseas? Does the Sixth? Together, they would confer an immunity against ANY action! The Fifth Amendment protects them against trial unless it’s “on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury…” But the Sixth Amendment requires in all criminal prosecutions that the accused be tried “by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law.” How can that be, in Paris or London or Kabul?

As the court wryly observed:

So:

Johnson v. Eisentrager – nonresident enemy alien has no judicial remedies; the Constitution does not reach overseas to him.

So leaving the United States, despite still being a US citizen, makes me unencumbered by US law including those specified by the US Constitution? I can break any US law while abroad and return to the US and US law enforcement can do nothing?

What about US government employees (including the military) who specifically take an oath to support the US Constitution? That all goes away when they leave the US?

That’s an entirely different matter.

When used as punishment it does cover it. But your argument isn’t very convincing if you state at the onset that you already know the answer and will frame the argument to get that answer. I don’t accept that methodology for interpreting the constitution.

Almost correct. If you kill someone in France, you will not be tried in a US court. But you might be extradited to France for trial if that government requests it.

And his argument was not based on the status of the victims. I’m just pointing out that the Iraq circumstnces are kind of a red herring in this discussion since Scalia did not base his argument on them. He was not saying that US citizens have any more protection under the 8th Amendment than the Abu Ghraib prisoners did, so the rights or non-rights of thos Iraqi prisoners are not pertinent to Scalia’s words.