In a situation of social crisis, and Russia during the First World War was in such a situation, extremes are going to come to the fore. To try to straddle the gap between them and maintain a conciliatory course becomes impossible. I just finished reading a chapter from a book called Lenin and the Revolutionary Party by a man named Paul Leblanc, and this paragraph is indeed a fine explanation:
Society reached an impasse. It cannot be expected that both sides will give; if one is intransigent the other one must be as well in order to defend itself.
So what made his predecessors any more suited to rule? If the system itself was antiquated, then perhaps it has nothing to do with how well suited for governing the head of state happens to be.
I would be highly surprised if Pobedonostsev were the only person in close personal contact with Nikolai that held such narrow-minded views. Would Aleksandr III have allowed his son to be tutored by Pobedonostsev if he were of liberal mind himself?
The war devastated Russia - remember Nikolai was forced into abdication as a result of upheaval that started with riots over the price of bread. A kinder, gentler Romanov would not have had the power to prevent such social crises.
And the army was much like Russian society at the time - the minority of officers enjoying privileges and demanding obedience on a level most modern armies would barely tolerate. Also, support for a war hero doesn’t last long if the army constantly finds itself getting ground up in pointless battles.
I know next to nothing about Nikolai as a person save from some diary entries I read once in some history or another - the man certainly seemed disconnected from much of what went on around him. That doesn’t excuse him from anything; he was not a figurehead monarch at the apex of a constitutional and democratic government. He ruled directly through his ministers over a repressive autocracy and bears full responsibility for the results.
True. Even by those standards Nikolai failed miserably.
You cannot say that social catastrophe is anyone’s ‘fault’. The world is full of material contradictions, and sooner or later those contradictions inevitably erupt into crisis and conflict regardless of people’s efforts. In these crises there will be people who try to pull things backward and there will be people who try to push things forward. The big mistake is to try to mediate between the two; if that kind of balance were still possible there wouldn’t be any crisis in the first place.
Of course. But what lay at the base of this “ruthlessness”? A tiny minority determined to push its vision on an unwilling populace or the broad support of Russia’s population?
Obviously. In any society where there classes exist, it is axiomatic that one class must dominate the other (or the rest). So we have to ask - what is the goal of this class’ domination? To continue class rule or to eliminate it?
Yeah, it’s ironic that I’m a white Anglo-Saxon (ex-)Protestant and I’ve demonstrated against Nazis, white supremacists and the Klan when they’ve come to town. How does not being from among the oppressed nullify your politics regarding them? Here I think you’re judging Lenin by modern standards. Identity politics, i.e. “you can’t fight against oppression if you’re not one of the people oppressed by it” stems from the 1960s at the earliest.
Lenin’s father, BTW, was the first of his family to earn a title of nobility for his work as a mathematician - his paternal grandfather apparently was a poor tailor from central Asia. I know his maternal grandfather was a well-to-do doctor by the name of Blank, but I have no idea whether he was a nobleman of any sort.