Please explain how capitalism is responsible for war crimes and terrorism

In response to this hijacking, I have decided to start a separate thread for posters such as London_Calling and Mandelstam to explain how capitalism, in contrast to every other socio-economic system in the world, is specifically responsible for war crimes and terrorism.

Have at it, gentlemen. In doing so, please account for the following data which appear to contradict your premise:[ul][]Darn little terrorism emanating from countries that can reasonably be described as capitalist.[]Lots of terrorism emanating from countries that are authoritarian and/or dictatorships.[]Lots of terrorism emanating from countries where the rule of law is a joke.[]War crimes occurring in pretty much every war in the history of the world, no matter the form of the combatants’ economies.[/ul]

I should note at the outset that while I am quite interested in the prospects of this discussion, I will be spending most of today contributing to globalization by test-driving foreign automobiles and purchasing clothing manufactured by people in third world countries who would otherwise have even crappier jobs.

Minty, I completely reject the terms in which you cast what I said as I do not in fact believe that “capitalism, in contrast to every other socio-economic system in the world” is responsible for terrorism. That ought to be clear from my posts thus far. I asked for a neutral thread with a title such as “Terrorism and Globalization.” I fear that the invidious form in which you have cast the debate will turn this into the worst kind of exercise in verbal futility. And I have better things to do with my time. However, if any people reading this thread wish to discuss the (crucially important) question of interrelations between globalization and terrorism–and (insofar as it involves me) to do so by responding to my posts in the other thread as I wrote them and not as they have been miscast–I will be very happy to do so :slight_smile:

By the way, “Darn little terrorism emanating from” liberal (capitalist) democracies is exactly the thesis of Fukuyama’s book: i.e., the influential conservative writer that I mentioned in the other thread. What you don’t seem to realize is that the “liberalization” I described is the official policy of the US government: that is, it’s what the US claims to be doing and supporting in the developing world. I think, in other words, that you’ve gotten the wrong end of the stick entirely, probably b/c it’s easy to get confused by terms such as “neo-liberal,” etc.

I also wonder where you get your information on the “crappier” jobs that people in third-world countries would have if not for the present globalization. That is, when discussing globalizing with people, it’s very helpful to know who they’ve read and how it informs what they believe. Which countries might be you be referring to? And whose account of their recent development have you read?

Heavens to Betsy, you mean I started a debate, Mandelstam? I’m afraid my utter lack of neutrality on the subject might be showing! :slight_smile: If I have misstated your position, I apologize. I do think, however, that the position described in my OP is representative of a fair number of people, however, and I would like to hear their reasons why.

As for the “crappier jobs” comment, it’s quite simple. People are rational beings, even in the third world. People accept a particular position of employment because it is their best available option. If the job of making the clothes I’m going to purchase isn’t there, ipso facto the remaining options for those people who would have made my clothes are less desirable, i.e. “even crappier.”

Redact second “however.”

Minty, I think that a thread on “Terrorism and Globalization” gives us plenty to debate. I was not asking you to personally adopt my sentiments: only not to misrepresent me. I think that’s a fair request! (In any case, thanks for doing the work of starting the thread.)

I do not, as I’ve already said, see “capitalism” as being directly responsible for terrorism; nor do I seek to eliminate private property or in any other way enact policies that are antithetitical to the existence of capitalism. Although I prefer the European model of capitalism to the American, I’d be pleased to see something like either develop in the third world, were that possible. However, while the latter is supposedly the ultimate goal of globalization (i.e. the liberalization of the “third world”) in actuality the processes that allowed Western industrial nations to stabilize, democratize and spread prosperty are being thwarted in most third-world countries. I.e., trade union movements, environmental and human safeguards, living wage standards.

My position is actually a very moderate one: I’m in sympathy with much of what is preached in the name of globalization, but I’d like to see it practiced.

Let’s concretize your “rational” third-world person. Let’s say she’s a worker who “chose” to seek factory labor b/c her family could no longer afford to support itself on its farm, or lost it due to inability to compete with agro-business. She may well have chosen “crappy” sweatshop labor as a preferable alternative to starving back home. But now she wants to join a labor union, or to agitate for a minimum wage in her country, or for fire safety in her factory. Only the government she lives under imprisons such people. Or the multi-national corporation threatens to leave the country the minute the government is sympathetic to such demands on the part of its citizens. Are we still dealing with a level playing field for making “rational” choices?

Here are some stats that I’ve posted before and am happy to post again:

Comparison of average Manufacturing Labor costs per Hour: (Source: Financial Times (UK business paper, 1994).

W. Germany $24.90/hr.
former E. Germany $17.30/hr.
Japan $16.90/hr
US $16.40/hr.
France $16.30/hr.
UK $12.40/hr.
Singapore $5.10/hr.
S. Korea $4.90/hr.
Hong Kong $4.20/hr.
Hungary $1.80/hr.
Czech Republic $1.10/hr.
China 50 cents/hr.

Who in the long run (never mind the short run!) is going to benefit from this? As pantom will tell you, this is a very foolish economic policy since, historically, industrial capitalism doesn’t flourish without producing workforces capable of purchasing what is being manufactured.

Doesn’t it make sense–for human, economic and political reasons–to work towards putting global labor standards into place. And wouldn’t that be consistent with nation-building policies in deeply troubled places like Afghanistan?

"Let all men know how empty and worthless is the power of kings. For there is none worthy of the name but God, whom heaven, earth and sea obey". So spoke King Canute the Great, the legend says, seated on his throne on the seashore, waves lapping round his feet. Canute had learned that his flattering courtiers claimed he was “So great, he could command the tides of the sea to go back”. Now Canute was not only a religious man, but also a clever politician. He knew his limitations - even if his courtiers did not - so he had his throne carried to the seashore and sat on it as the tide came in, commanding the waves to advance no further. When they didn’t, he had made his point that, though the deeds of kings might appear ‘great’ in the minds of men, they were as nothing in the face of God’s power.

No, this is not economic policy at all. These wage levels occurred due to the interaction of many complex factor – economic, social, historical, cultural, political, etc. We cannot control these costs any more than King Canute could control the tides. A policy based on the belief that we can control them is doomed to failure, and it will produce Heaven only knows what unintended consequences.

Whoa… you mean I should revolt because I cannot purchase the $200,000 instrument I help to manufacture?

Hey, if it will make me 17.20/hour then I’ll do it! I mean, there’s nowhere to go but up, right?

No.

No. Unless you mean pay them wages comparable to what other workers were paid at the industrial revolution, in which case, they probably already are.

If the government is imprisoning people for joining labor unions and such, I would submit to you that the government falls under one of the other categories I highlighted in my OP. Capitalism is certainly not incompatible with trade unions, which I fully support as long as we’re talking about collective bargaining rather than government-mandated restrictions on the availability of labor.

None of those factors allowed the Western economic powers to “stabilize, democratize, and spread prosperity.” To the contrary, I think you’ll find that there were few or no restrictions on wages, the environment, and worker safety in America until relatively late in the 20th century, long after America became stable, democratic, and prosperous.

I will agree with Mandelstam that a major problem in many third world states is an inability to unionize. I think that is key. Many people who try to begin a union are imprisoned or blacklisted in many states. Organization is key to the development of key labor practices in those states.

I do not agree, however, that global labor standards should be put in place, particularly a minimum wage. Putting in that minimum wage would likely spike incomes to a degree where inflation would be nearly unavoidable as a sudden influx of income would occur without a corresponding increase in supply.

I do, however, feel that a right to organize ought to be created in these states, similar as it was in the US. That could go a long way to solving a few problems.

“Doesn’t it make sense–for human, economic and political reasons–to work towards
putting global labor standards into place.”
I am not sure what you mean by global standards. If you mean that poor countries should have safety and labour regulations similar to rich countries forced onto them then no it doesn’t make sense and not only that, it would be completely disastrous for the welfare of their people.
The fallacy that a lot of people make is that providing labour standards, safety regulation and the like is some kin d of free lunch. But the resources that go for providing these things must come from somewhere and the fact these policies raise a price means that there has to be some kind of market adjustment.
Typically:

  1. the demand for labour is reduced. If you put an artificial floor on a wage chances are there will be unemployment. Plenty of evidence for that in the Economics literature.
    2)Employers will make cuts on some other margins. Ie if they are forced to raise wages they will reduce benefits. If they are forced to raise benefits they will reduce wages. There is quite a bit of anecdotal evidence of this.
  2. The employers will take a cut in profits and all will be well(?). No evidence of this in any academic literature as far as I know.

The problem with leftists is that they seem to be certain that the only adjustment that will happen is 3 and seem to believe almost as a matter of theology that 1 and 2 will never happen.

One problem with this is that in many ways 3 is the most dubious theoretically especially in the long run. For one thing in a competitive industry 3 will barely be possible because firms will earn only a fair rate of return after adjusting for risk and the opportunity cost of capital. So if the wage is artificially raised they will have to adjust with either 1 or 2 which of course doesn’t help workers at all. And most economists believe that most industries in the long run are reasonably competitive.

For another even if it did work what exactly does it achieve ? It becomes a form of redistribution but is it the best kind of redistribution? Not really. For one thing the low wage workers in the export sector are not the poorest people in poor countries. For another the shareholders of those firms are not necessarily the richest. Given that there is only a limited amount of redistribution possible in any country I am not sure why you would want a type which neither gives to the poorest nor takes away from the richest. In particular a redistribution which involes programmes for the really poor financed from a progressive tax appears to me to be a much better kind of redistribution.

And all the preceding paragraph is assuming that regulations act as a form of redistribution, which economists are skeptical of.

The bottom line is that forcing poor countries to adopt more regulations is not really a good way of helping poor people in those countries. People in rich countries seem to like this kind of policy because it is a way of appearing to help them which doesn’t cost them any thing at all. In reality though the main benefiaries are likely to be a small group of workers in rich countries who will face less competition from their third world counterparts.

If you really want to help people in poor countries there are two things you could do:
1)Open US and other rich country markets to farm and textile products from poor countries. This actually is a free lunch because both the US and the poor countries will win. The only losers again are a small number of American industries and their losses will be outweighed by the gains to American consumers.
2)Increase international aid to poor countries. This will of course have to be raised in taxes but actually not that much. 100 billion dollars a year devoted to education and health care around the poor world and administered by competent international agencies and NGO’s would transform those places. That might sound like a lot of money but it would be less than 0.5% of the GDP of the rich countries.

Either of these policies are a lot more useful to poor countries than forcing them to adopt various regulations.

Oh I should add that I am not opposed to all labour standards. For instance things like bonded labor,slave labor, prison labor, etc are a violation of basic human rights. But even here it doesn’t to make sense to make international trade hostage to these. The US should use other diplomatic means to try to get countries to respect basic rights.

Also as countries get richer there might be a place for other more intrusive regulations on environmental,safety matters and the like. While they probably won’t do much good overall, if they are carefully designed they won’t do much harm either and in some cases they will help. The important thing again is not to hold international trade hostage to these regulations and not impose them on poor countries according to some rich-country standard.

cyberpundit: this is true, but the opposite problem exists: if a small country is prevented by various mechanisms from establishing unions or basic labour rights by the global trade environment (as is alleged by the anti-globalization types) how is that different than being subjected TO unions or basic labour rights? International trade is only a means to an end, not an end in itself. That end, of course, is a growing standard of living and quality of life for each individual human being underneath that trade regime. It is not, and never has been, to ensure the success of corporations or investors.

Then again, perhaps the real problem is that capitalism doesn’t require nor ensure liberal democracy (as Fukuyama pointed out) and that state actions respectful of individual rights really do require that sort of structure. Capitalism is all very well and good for raising one’s standards of living, but it serves no one to have some dictatorial El Presidente squashing unions at the behest of whatever transnational corp is lining his pockets.

One other thing: as I’m sure you’re aware, Cyberpundit, economics isn’t a zero sum game, nor does it exist in a vacuum. Labour standards and safety regulations can and often do lead to a more productive population, and they can also help ensure the safety and stability of both the country and the state that governs it. Needless to say, national stability and the personal security derived from it is one hell of a public good.

Demosthenesian,
1)I don’t think international trade usually “forces” countries to go without unions.As an empirical matter countries like Japan and South Korea which are aggressive participants in world trade have strong unions.

  1. I think a successful capitalist economy can promote democracy in the long run, eg. Taiwan and S Korea.

  2. Sure regulations can sometimes do good but they can also do a lot of harm if they are excessive. I think that poor countries will be more likely to find a good balance on their own rather than being forced to adopt standards as a condition of being part of the world trade system. I do think that the US should try to promote a higher quality of government whether democratic or not in poor countries to the extent it can. Using international aid as a lever might be a good way of doing that.

Like I said I strongly believe that the US and other rich countries should sharply increase their development aid to poor countries. This is a much better way of helping them than trying to put all sorts of conditions on their access to rich-country markets.

Well, first, there are plenty of historical examples of capitalist economies that aren’t overly democratic, and the two that you’ve mentioned have a history of being somewhat unfriendly to labour (it’s interesting that you quoted South Korea as a country that has strong unions… that wasn’t the impression I had, although perhaps I’m mistaken). It isn’t as bad as, say, Singapore, but enough so that their commitment to liberal democracy comes into question. It’s easy to “promote democracy” until that democracy comes into conflict with capitalism, which can and does happen.

Second, if the international trade regime makes union building impossible or at least wildly impractical by having capital fly at the first sign of unionization, then it serves as an effective barrier to union building. What else is a union, after all, but an attempt to alleviate the same incredible wage and benefit disparaties that attract foreign investment in the first place? And what good is a union if capital goes whereve unions aren’t? Needless to say, capital is usually hell of a lot more mobile than labour, especially nowadays. This is especially true if the state crushes unions in order to protect this foreign investment. (To get back to the democracy point.)

Third, it is important not to treat regulation in a knee-jerk fashion, whether you’re for or against it. If the only way particular good can be properly handled is by state action (if it is a public good) and if there is no agreement between states on how such goods are to be dealt with, then you’ll end up with a “market mechanism” between nations and an inevitable race to the bottom. There are also practical reasons: inasmuch as labour is mobile, there will be great pressure for labour to move to the countries that ensure greater labour rights. This would create a very unstable situation in the country being emigrated from and immigrated to. This could also lead to “free riders” that take advantage of, say, the cheap education in one country and move somewhere else for employment where taxes are lower.

If a regulation is to be at all meaningful, it must be universal.

december: replies to the wide spread between Western and Asian wage levels which I’d described as bad economic policy since it creates too much supply and too few buyers. “No, this is not economic policy at all. These wage levels occurred due to the interaction of many complex factor – economic, social, historical, cultural, political, etc. We cannot control these costs any more than King Canute could control the tides. A policy based on the belief that we can control them is doomed to failure, and it will produce Heaven only knows what unintended consequences.”

Well thanks for delving into myth december which aptly describes your mystical attitudes towards economics. Of course countries–with the help of economists–can agree upon what might constitute an appropriate minimum wage specific to a particular nation. Just as we do in the United States. And of course, it’s part of economic policy to allow such wide wide differentials to exist. You act as though the economy were like the weather: something that occurs without human action! That isn’t to say that it isn’t complex: but economic policies can and do impact such conditions. In any case, the point isn’t so much how the conditions arose, as how unhealthful they are for a global economy. If anything, Western countries should be eager to do what they can to see the global wages improve: that is, we need third-world workers to buy our services, technology, etc. Just as we buy their manufactured goods. Have you taken a look at the US’s trade deficit lately?

erislover:“Whoa… you mean I should revolt because I cannot purchase the $200,000 instrument I help to manufacture?”

Historically industrial economies cannot thrive unless the workforces that produce them are capable of consuming lots of what they produce. Obviously that doesn’t mean that Rolls Royce employees drive Rollses (though many Mercedes employees do drive Mercedes), or that Boeing employees own their own jets. But it does mean that factory workers producing clothes, or toys, or electronics ought to be able to purchase these things themselves. At present they generally can’t. That’s unsound. Ask Henry Ford about it if you want a right-wing view on the matter :wink:

“Unless you mean pay them wages comparable to what other workers were paid at the industrial revolution, in which case, they probably already are.”

Well the problem there is that workers during the industrial revolution were dealing with domestic companies who relied on their labor. In the US and eventually in Britain they were also enfranchised citizens in democratic countries. Hence, they were able to use their leverage to improve their quality of life relatively quickly. Workers in Britain got the 10-hour day, the vote, and the ability to unionize within a relatively short span of time. Their employers could not threaten to move to China where they could count on a repressive regime to do the dirty work for them.

Seen historically, globalization has weakened the collective power of average citizens in the West, and the next logical step is to have citizens organize transnationally as many NGOs and trade unions are already trying to do. So actually, from a labor point of view you are a luddite with your antedeluvian notions of the nation-state, and your 18th-century attachment to laissez-faire.

Move out of the way of progress erislover :wink:

Minty: “If the government is imprisoning people for joining labor unions and such, I would submit to you that the government falls under one of the other categories I highlighted in my OP.”

Well the problem there Minty, is that many multninational corporations are complicit with these repressive governments. That’s the beauty of globalization: you can’t simply localize the problem of repression and blame it on bad old non-Weterners and their unenlightened ways. Such practices are both directly and indirectly encouraged by multinational corporations and Western-controlled institutions such as the IMF.

“None of those factors allowed the Western economic powers to “stabilize, democratize, and spread prosperity.” To the contrary, I think you’ll find that there were few or no restrictions on wages, the environment, and worker safety in America until relatively late in the 20th century, long after America became stable, democratic, and prosperous.”

Completely incorrect (and this is fairly close to my professional area of expertise). Industrialization required active government support: protective tarriffs and mercantilist regulations that helped new industrial economies (such as 18th-century Britain’s) to get off the ground. It was after they already had the edge that the industrial middle classes demanded and got laissez-faire. When other European nations industrialized they also relied on government protections. As did the Japanese and new Asian economies to achieve their “miracles.” Laissez-faire capitalism benefits those who already have the edge. Historically, no nation has ever successfully managed to industrialize without practicing “economic nationalism” (interventionist and subsidizing policies that protect new industries against foreign competition)."

By insisting that developing countries adopt neo-liberal policies that only advanced industrial economies can benefit from, institutions such as the IMF basically create conditions that are bad for development but good for investors’ short-term profits.

Here, to show you what I mean, are some excerpts from and a link to a relevant article: “Another IMF [International Monetary Fund] Crash.” It concerns Argentina.

“Argentina is the latest Latin American economy to be mismanaged into a crisis by US-trained economists. Unemployment is above 17 percent, the economy is in its fourth year of recession and the country is now in the process of defaulting on its unpayable foreign debt.”

“The sacrifice of Argentina’s economy [in the interests of Western bondholders] fits a pattern at the IMF, including some of the most high-profile interventions of recent years. In Russia and the transition economies, the first priority has been to execute a rapid, irreversible change to a market-driven society, regardless of the economic consequences. Russia lost half its national income in about five years of IMF-led transition, an economic decline never before seen in the absence of war or natural disaster. In Asia, the fund’s desire to open these economies to US capital flows–in countries that because of their high savings rates had little need for foreign borrowing–caused a severe financial crisis in 1997-98. The fund then exploited the crisis to further open these economies, worsened it with exorbitantly high interest rates and fiscal austerity and convinced the governments of the region to guarantee the debt owed to foreign lenders.”

Why, you might say, do these countries not “choose” to have nothing more to do with the IMF then?

“The IMF is able to decide these major economic policies for dozens of countries because it sits atop a creditors’ cartel, much like the OPEC oil cartel. Those who refuse to take the fund’s “advice” find themselves ineligible for credit from the World Bank and other multilateral lenders–like the Inter-American Development Bank or G-7 governments–or even for private credit.”

http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20011210&s=weisbrot

I could post literally hundreds of articles like this one; and point you to dozens of books on the subject. Put simply, neo-liberalism is an irrational model for helping developing countries to develop.

Neurotik: “I do not agree, however, that global labor standards should be put in place, particularly a minimum wage. Putting in that minimum wage would likely spike incomes to a degree where inflation would be nearly unavoidable as a sudden influx of income would occur without a corresponding increase in supply.”

I agree that the minimum wage is the trickiest part: though the present recession is driven by oversupply and even before the recession there was lots of underused capacity (e.g., empty factories) to boost supply when and if demand is there. So I don’t see inflation as the problem.

What I visualize are EU-type collaborations within regions developing, a process that can’t happen too soo, as far as I’m concerned. As to reasonable safety standards: it’s positively criminal not to have them. It would be relatively simple for G7 nations to pass legislation barring the import of any manufactured goods where basic safety was not ensured (or taxing such goods relative to “safe” goods). If this meant that the $12 pair of jeans you buy at K-mart cost $13 it would not be that big a difference. And it would increase the productivity of countries that benefit from the increased safety. As Demosthenesian says: economics isn’t a zero sum game.

Cyberpundit: “Employers will make cuts on some other margins. Ie if they are forced to raise wages they will reduce benefits.”

Benefits? Cyberpundit, most of these people are lucky if they’re allowed five minutes to pee. They’re sometimes forced to purchase high-priced meals from the employee cafeteria. They’re paid a subsistence wage in exchange for a gruelling day’s labor.

“The employers will take a cut in profits and all will be well(?). No evidence of this in any academic literature as far as I know.”

Of course employers sometimes have to reduce profits! And undoubtedly some of this cost will be passed on to the consumer. Which may depress demand or it may not. Because perhaps better-off factory workers will themselves create demand; or more productivity.

Cyberpundit, these kinds of arguments were continually made during the nineteenth-century: oh, if we reduce the working day from 12 hours to ten we’ll all go out of business and there won’t be any employment. Some employers at the time undoubtedly believed it.

"If you mean that poor countries should have safety and labour regulations similar to rich countries forced onto them then no it doesn’t make sense and not only that, it would be completely disastrous for the welfare of their people.

Ironically, CyberPundit, what has been “forced onto” developing countries is laissez-faire (or neo-liberalism). So you’ve got it backwards. (You repeat the same error in your most recent post.) You seem to assume that people like myself are arguing for a new “White Man’s Burden” in which enlightened economic policies are “forced” onto exploitative native governments as though multinational employers, Western capital and the IMF have nothing to do with it.

Another excerpt from the linked article:

“Over the longer term, the neoliberal program of the IMF and the World Bank–and their ability to enforce it–has contributed to a substantial decline in economic growth over the past twenty years throughout the vast majority of low- and middle-income countries. In Latin America, per capita GDP has grown a mere 6 percent over the past two decades, as compared with 75 percent in 1960-80.”

Demosthenesian "as is alleged by the anti-globalization types…

Oh dear, would that include me? I’ve never been called a “type” before. And, FTR, I’m not at all anti-globalization–although I realize that you may have not intended to apply the term to me. In any case, welcome to the SDMB. :slight_smile:

mandelstam: there are two flavours of anti-globalization: those that hate the entire idea of it, and those that merely think it should be done under certain ground rules. I fall into the latter category, as I imagine you do. For much the same reason: economics does not exist in a vacuum, and if a state is prevented from ensuring the protection of certain public goods by a “race to the bottom” by international capital that economic system is quite broken.

Sometimes, yes, it does require the heavy hand of a state to get employers to agree to certain minimum protections for labour. The hideous health situations in most “maquiladoras” is not the fault of the workers, nor is the distinct possibility of being burned to death in a locked factory.

Me: “I think you’ll find that there were few or no restrictions on wages, the environment, and worker safety in America until relatively late in the 20th century, long after America became stable, democratic, and prosperous.”

Mandelstam: “Completely incorrect (and this is fairly close to my professional area of expertise). Industrialization required active government support: protective tarriffs and mercantilist regulations that helped new industrial economies (such as 18th-century Britain’s) to get off the ground. It was after they already had the edge that the industrial middle classes demanded and got laissez-faire.”
WTF? Who said anything anything about protective tariffs or undefined mercantile regulations? I addressed three very specific items: wages, the environment, and worker safety. Since you addressed none of those items in your reply, how is it that I’m “completely incorrect”?

Demo,
I didn’t say that all capitalist countries have been democratic but just gave counter-examples to the proposition that capitalism undermines democracy and unions. As it happens the rise of both democracy and trade unions in the West coincided with a period of a more or less unfettered international capitalist system before WW1. Could you give evidence for your proposition that global capitalism undermines democracy and trade unions.
The race to the bottom argument assumes that regulations don’t contribute to productivity. I thought your argument was that some regulations can contribute to productivity. If they do there is not much reason why firms will move out.
Besides there is competition on both sides so it’s not clear why you believe that multinational firms are as much bargaining power as you say they do.

“here are also practical
reasons: inasmuch as labour is mobile, there will be great pressure for labour to move to the
countries that ensure greater labour rights. This would create a very unstable situation in the country
being emigrated from and immigrated to.”
Can you give examples of this “instability”. Besides this is an example where competition will tend to increse labour regulation so it goes counter to your general argument.
“If a regulation is to be at all meaningful, it must be universal.”
This is a rather strong assertion for which you have provided no evidence. The basic reason why you can’t have the same regulation in rich and poor countries is that poor countries simply can’t afford the level of regulations that rich countries can. None of your arguments are so strong that they offset this basic point.
And don’t forget that poor countries often have a lot of regulation. There is little evidence of global capitalism forcing a “laisser-faire” regime on them.
Mandelstam,
“most of these people are lucky if they’re allowed five minutes to pee.”
Actually workers in the organized sector get some benefits even in the poorest countries. Even if they don’t they can be made to work more.There will almost always be some margin for adjustment.

“Of course employers sometimes have to reduce profits!”
And how often does this happen especially in the long run compared to the other adjustments according to you? Like I said if the industry is competitive profits can’t be hit much.

“Because perhaps better-off
factory workers will themselves create demand; or more productivity.”
If regulations make workers more productive there is no reasons why firms will object to them. Can you give some academic cite for regulations which increase productivity?

Minimum wages and regulations don’t increase aggregate demand and in any case poor countries are typically not constrained much by aggregate demand. I challenge you to find any mainstream economist who says that increasing the minimum wage increases aggregate demand.
“Cyberpundit, these kinds of arguments were continually made during the nineteenth-century”
A great era for the science of Economics.:slight_smile:
The majority of economists continue to believe similar things about labour market regulations especially for developing countries though with some nuances and analytical bells and whistles. Can you point to major economists who believe that increasing the minimum wage or more regulation is a good way of promoting growth in those countries?

In any case the arguments are considerably more nuanced than “if we
reduce the working day from 12 hours to ten we’ll all go out of business and there won’t be any
employment”
You haven’t really bothered to address my arguments or give any reasons for your belief that most of the adjustment will happen on margins beneficial to workers.
BTW your Nation article probably doesn’t mention that China and India with more people than Latin America have increased their growth rates significantly after they opened their economies to foreign capital and trade. India , in particular , had a very successful IMF stabilization programme after which growth rates have been higher than before.