Resolved: insofar as it claims that the rise of agriculture resulted in the initial creation of markedly different sex roles in human society in general, and particularly of cultural mechanisms to control women’s bodies, the passage above is absurd and contrary to the manifest weight of the evidence. I contend instead that highly distinct sexual roles, a sexual double standard intended to control women’s bodies, and the relegation of women to a status subordinate to men, are all far older than the origin of agriculture.
Before I begin arguing, I want to get two caveats out of the way.
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I agree that the transition to agriculture, in most societies, made women’s status worse than before; but this was a “bad to worse” change, not a change from roughly equal or similar roles.
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I know nothing about Çatalhöyük, and have no specific argument against Ian Hodder’s reports from the site; for all I know, Çatalhöyük may well have been an unusual case of a sexually egalitarian early society. But even if Hodder is correct about Çatalhöyük, I still very strongly dispute the idea that it represents the norm for sexual relations in pre-agricultural societies.
First, if the Pulsiphers’ thesis were correct, we would expect to find sexual equality in the pre-agricultural societies that existed today or in the recent past. We do not. In the vast majority of hunter-gatherer societies of which we have direct written record - the Plains Indians of America, the Asmat of New Guinea, and every hunting people from sub-Saharan Africa that I have seen - there is a strict sexual division of labor, with women being the principal gatherers and men virtually monopolizing the role of hunters and warriors.
Second, cultural mechanisms for controlling women’s bodies, especially including a sexual double standard, are also clearly of pre-agricultural origin. The hunting-gathering Comanche of the 19th century had rituals specifically designed.to praise chaste young women and stigmatize those who yielded their virginity, and it was the men who passed these judgments on the young women. Nomadic, herding Bedouins have also practiced seclusion of women from time immemorial (long before they adopted Islam, even) and this practice is designed to enforce chastity on women but not men.
The idea that control of women’s bodies results from a concern about “confusing lines of inheritance” is particularly insupportable. There is, of course, a very easy way to prevent lines of inheritance from becoming confused as a result of a woman becoming pregnant by multiple sex partners: adopt a matrilineal system where inheritance passes from mother to daughter instead of father to son. Several pre-agricultural peoples have in fact adopted such a system, including, most famously, the ancient pastoral Hebrews. (To this day, Israel’s legal definition of a Jew is the child of a Jewish mother, rather than the child of a Jewish father). The key point is, despite their crystal-clear lines of inheritance, matrilineal societies such as the Hebrews’ show absolutely no inclination to treat men and women equally. Political rule and warfare were dominated by men, and men in their prayers gave thanks that they were not born female.
Also, the matrilineal custom sometimes survives the transition to agriculture. The agricultural Bakongo and some of the Akan-speaking tribes of West Africa are matrilineal. I am not any expert on their societies, but the little I have learned suggests that they are strongly patriarchal and polygynous, and furthermore the men with harems exercise a virtual reign of terror on the bachelors to keep them away from their wives. All this despite the fact that property passes along the female line.
In the face of all this evidence, the single example of Çatalhöyük isn’t enough to support the Pulsiphers’ argument. Would anyone step forward to champion their thesis?