Price caps for energy?

The 5/16 NY Times lead editorial endorses price caps for energy. See http://www.nytimes.com/2001/05/16/opinion/16WED1.html

I believe this link will disappear tomorrow, so here are some exerpts:

The 1st and 3rd bold-faced phrases represent the NYT rejecting the law of supply and demand. The middle one appears naive. How much comfort could a supplier take in a “guaranteed profit,” which is limited on the upside and which could be undone by a stroke of the pen if problems persist?

I believe in normal economic theory, which says that a price rise will promote conservation and development of new energy sources, which will lead to the speediest solution.

What do you think?

I’m not an economist, but for California, one of the major problems is the ‘Californian Attitude,’ in that they’re so concerned over spotted mice and things like the amount of Horned Beatles per square mile that they wouldn’t let new power stations be built.

They’re not real good at economics either or they would have realized that deregulating power plants would have eventually caused a problem. Nuclear power is still one of the cheapest forms to generate electricity there is, requiring no gasoline but everyone is paranoid over the plants because of the hysteria in the early 70s when 3 Mile Island had a problem and another plant developed flaws because of corrupt contractors using inferior materials. Then, the big melt down in Russia.

Though there are several nuclear plants in the US which have been quietly humming along for years without any problems, generating billions of kilowatts steadily and cheaply.

Another solution might be for the Government to simply take over the plants and run them.

Putting a cap on power might work, or regulating them again, but it’s kind of funny when you figure that California is about the wealthiest State in the Union, contains some of the richest people in the world, has the highest standard of living and about the most expensive property around, but they can’t bail their power companies out of financial problems.

I’ve addressed this issue. here and here. Sorry to bore you again.

Go back to your introductory economics textbook (1st semester, microeconomics). Look under “monopoly”. Monopolists face a downward sloping demand curve and therefore able to increase profits by cutting back on output and jacking up the price.

If a regulator sets a price cap between the monopolistic level and the competitive level, output will actually increase. To see why, plot out the new marginal revenue curve.

Now, in English: If the government limits the price that a monopolist can charge, the monopolist no longer gains an advantage by cutting back on output (or closing down plants for premature “repairs”). In this case, a price cap can actually increase output and efficiency. That’s the basis of the NYT’s, “Game the system” remark.

Evidence: CA had rolling blackouts this winter, during times when it typically has excess capacity. This was gaming the system.

Background: The editorial board took a cue from their MIT economist/op-ed writer Paul Krugman (winner of the John Bates Clark medal), who is one of the brightest economists alive today.

Blame the environmentalists: Again, this thread, covered that (partially). CA’s insufficient electrical capacity was prompted by NIMBYism, surprisingly rapid economic growth from 1995- Q2 2000, and the reluctance of producers to build plants until the rules of deregulation were laid out. California has had environmentalists for 20 or more; those who blame them for the current crisis have shown no increase in any sort of relevant political agitation. Indeed, jshore pointed out that the Sierra Club signed off on a 1992 plan to increase the electrical supply.

More Background: California has just raised residential rates, focussing on the “2nd tier” of users who use a lot of electricity. Since this energy is likely to be devoted chiefly to air conditioning, it may be effective in limiting peak-demand usage, which is what is relevant for CA’s current capacity shortage.

Ignoring wind, it takes a couple of years to build a power plant. So a 2 year price cap isn’t a big deal. (And realistically, the cap is likely to be negotiated with energy providers anyway.)

Furthermore, price caps and regulation don’t necessarily prevent power plant construction. The entire electrical system in the US was either public power or a regulated monopoly prior to about 1995. Deregulation is a relatively new development.

*Originally posted by flowbark *
**
Go back to your introductory economics textbook (1st semester, microeconomics). Look under “monopoly”. Monopolists face a downward sloping demand curve and therefore able to increase profits by cutting back on output and jacking up the price.

If a regulator sets a price cap between the monopolistic level and the competitive level, output will actually increase. To see why, plot out the new marginal revenue curve.

Now, in English: If the government limits the price that a monopolist can charge, the monopolist no longer gains an advantage by cutting back on output (or closing down plants for premature “repairs”). In this case, a price cap can actually increase output and efficiency. That’s the basis of the NYT’s, “Game the system” remark. **

OK this makes sense in theory. However, it was my understanding that the deregulation process left energy distribution (power lines) as a monopoly, but energy supply was competitive. I believe the distributors have a choice of suppliers to buy energy from. So, why is the monopoly demand curve the appropriate model?

Evidence: CA had rolling blackouts this winter, during times when it typically has excess capacity. This was gaming the system.
Possibly. On the other hand, maybe it’s evidence that the problem had become too severe. The distributors were near bankruptcy and could no longer buy enough energy, because their credit rating was kaput. When an organization is selling below cost, the fit will hit the shan sooner or later.

Is there any way to tell which scenario is correct? Were they gaming the system, or had the system had its inevitable break-down?

Great question. There are a number of very small suppliers with little pricing power. However, the PUC forced PG&E to divest itself of a fairly large share of its electrical capacity; some suppliers obtained something like 8% of total capacity, IIRC.

Now in most markets, that would be ok. But on an hourly basis, the demand for electricity is highly inelastic (even more so when the final demander doesn’t face any price changes!). And shutting plants down for repairs essentially announces that you are holding back supply, thus permitting an entirely unspoken form of collusion.

As an aside, efforts to establish real-time pricing would have an added benefit of making the demand curve for electricity more elastic, thereby limiting potential monopoly power.

Good response. I confess my ignorance. There were certainly financial issues in January, before the state took over PG&E’s electricity-purchasing responsibilities, IIRC. So, I overstated my case. I still maintain that electricity markets as currently configured have a great deal of scope for price manipulation.

Hm. Here’s one straw in the wind: after the state took over, there were still “rolling blackouts” or at least threats of the same. OTOH, I confess that the “Power Exchange” has now closed shop, so I have no idea how wholesale energy prices are set right now.

The fact that spot prices shot up about 11x (IIRC) also should indicate that something funny is going on in the market. It also indicates that setting a reasonable price cap shouldn’t be too difficult.

It has also been observed that eliminating the possibility of enormous short-run profits can entice power suppliers to sit down and sign long-term electricity contracts.

While I agree with the poster above who expressed some doubt about the monopolistic model being appropriate, I must ask just how a price cap should work. A simple model of the California debacle is a market with a cap on one end and an unregulated other end that went to hell when market movements made the equation unworkable for the utility suppliers on the unregulated other end(I’ve heard much noise about pricing collusion that both makes little sense and has yet to be established anywhere that I’ve seen).

So, aha! The fix is to cap both ends of that market. Put a cap on wholesale prices as well. So now we’ve capped what the generators can charge the suppliers. So the suppliers are sittin’ pretty - gauranteed but limited profit (bonds, anyone?). But there’s still an open end on that system, because the generators must buy their feedstock on the open market. So do we then cap what a pipeline company can charge a cogen plant for natural gas supply so the plant doesn’t wind up in a fix as well? Obviously the pipeline companies are at a risk in that case, unless we cap what the gas producers can charge the pipelines for product; or else they may just shut all their lines to the west and sell in friendlier markets.

This train of thought can bifurcate at this junction.

The simple trendline extrapolation of this thought is that you’d then have to cap what gas producers can charge at the tap, or the wellhead, and to protect them, you need to cap rig rates, bulldozer rates, the price of seismic data, the price of the explosives used to record seismic data, the contractors’ exposure to the price of safety boots, the safety boot manufacturers exposure to the price of leather and steel (and advertising!), ad nauseum

But the other course this can take pursues contemplation of risk, which is encountered most remarkably at the level of the gas producer. While you can tell a pipeline that they’ll get cost + “reasonable” profit out of a managed market deal, and setup a scenario where that appears to work, because they just buy and sell, how do you work an exploring company’s dry holes into the equation?

This thought causes us to explore the partner of “caps” often called the “floor” which, when combined, squeeze market influences right out of the door. If you want venture capital to risk drilling for new reserves with a cap on what can be made, you’ll at best have to give them a floor or see them walk on over to other endeavors. And even with a floor and a ceiling, why would they spend major capital on a market that’s essentially the bond market when they can dabble in things as mundane, yet profitable, as real estate or the more exciting market in rappers?

And, of course, should the world market drop below the floor the citizens won’t benefit because tax dollars must be paid out to guarantee the floor.

It would be truly naive to call domestic exploration and production monopolistic as that market is dominated by relatively small independents, who can’t in their wildest dreams drive the price. It is certainly difficult for me to envision a government-run exploration regime that would be more efficient than that driven by those of us who compete for reserves. And we can hardly imagine that we can isolate ourselves from the world market, which nobody controls.

So, where do the price caps stop? And why will that work?

[aside] From the New York Times (via poster december):

Subsidize?

“…opening public lands to the oil drillers…”

If anybody gets to drill on federal lands they’ve paid for a lease and will pay a royalty on production just like they would in a dealing with a private mineral owner.

“…easing environmental rules to accelerate coal production…”

This is a subsidy?

This apparently willful misinformation drive on the part of the New York Times is hardly surprising, but not at all helpful. It seems to harken back to a thought from the '80s that I’d hoped was dead - that any money the government didn’t take away from you was a subsidy.
[/aside]

You’re right that it is the wholesale electricity price that must be capped. The cap can be made a function of the price of natural gas or oil. Or the FEC can be empowered to adjust the cap should energy prices change. It is not that difficult.

Remember that the key shortage is one of electrical capacity and not fossil fuel. Fossil fuel prices have not gone up anywhere near ten times. But spot electricity prices have peaked near that level, IIRC.

I find it odd that some don’t believe that electrical suppliers have not cut back on output in order to raise the price. If they haven’t done so, it must be because of their inability (which has not been argued) or their lack of desire (also hasn’t been argued.)

Given that the suplier market has numerous suppliers in competition, wouldn’t there be better ways to ensure reasonable prices? For example, if the suppliers and utilities could enter into long-term contracts, I don’t see how the suppliers could jack the price up through withholding their supply. I would persoanlly favor solving the problems with the market that allow it to be exploited rather than introducing new controls on it.

Suppliers petitioned the California government last year to be allowed to enter into long-term contracts, but our hero Gray Davis turned them down, and forced them to continue buying energy on the spot market. See, the long-term contracts were slightly higher, and Davis thought that buying energy above the spot price was ‘unfair’ to California consumers

Then there was the brilliant move that forced energy providers to sell their production facilities, and won’t allow them to buy and build their own. This is the ‘deregulation’ that everyone’s talking about.

I can’t believe price caps are being even remotely considered. I guess we never learned anything from the 1970’s, or the many other times price controls have led to dismal failures.

Flowbark: the serious flaw with your argument is that the California energy system is not behaving monopolistically in any way. The reason why the price of energy is rising when the price of raw crude is not is because there is no shortage of crude. The problem is lack of refining capacity, and lack of power generation plants. There are also problems with distribution because the grid needs upgrading. That leads to lots of price fluctuations.

When your problem is lack of infrastructure, and when you need lots of private investment to build that infrastructure, price caps are the worst thing you could possibly do. I mean, this is elementary economics. When shortages occur, prices are SUPPOSED to rise. This stimulates conservation and production at the same time, leading to fastest possible recovery from the shortages that led to high prices. Put a price cap on energy, and you limit the profit potential of investment, which limits investment. And people then have no incentive to conserve, so you can’t solve your short-term problems either.

The rhetoric from the Democrats and environmentalists on this issue is nothing short of astonishingly stupid and misleading. For example, Dick Cheney says, “Conservation is a personal virtue, and we support it as part of the solution. But by itself, it is not a sufficient answer to the problem of energy shortages.” This is both reasonable and accurate. But what is the New York Time’s lead article after this speech? “Cheney Sneers at Conservation”.

It has been pointed out how environmentalists want two things which are contradictory: conservation (using less) and low prices (an incentive to use more).

By the way, any discussions between different suppliers in order to fix prices or manipulate the market are already highly illegal. If the DOJ hears of any case they’ll jump on your back right away. Accusations of collusion which would lead to price fixing have to be supported. you cannot just go around throwing accusations. If you have any proof you can make big bucks by reporting to the DOJ.

Ok, Sam. You’ve made an empirical claim and drawn a conclusion from it. You are correct that part of the problem in California is lack of infrastructure. Therefore, if the authorities set the price cap below the competitive price, that would be a bad thing.

But Sam. Another problem is that power suppliers have an incentive to WITHHOLD CAPACITY. (Apologies for the caps.) They did this last January and this Spring, when there was not an absolute shortage of infrastructure. The argument that I’ve given -that properly set price caps can remove the incentive to withhold output- is also elementary economics, as I’ve tried to stress. (Price caps on gasoline during the 1970s (or this year for that matter) had no such justification, BTW.)

waterj2:
There are a number of steps that can be taken. Appeals can be made to not use consumer appliances during peak times. Done that. Residential users who use lots of power (i.e. air conditioning) can face a much higher cost for power. Done that too. Real time pricing can be introduced. Status unknown. The latter would also have the knock-on effect of making the demand curve more elastic, thereby reducing the incentive to withhold capacity.

We could also launch an antitrust investigation. That might solve the problem in, oh, 8 years or so (not that this has been suggested here.)

I suppose that we could also declare eminent domain over producers who have monopoly power. That would not include all independent power suppliers, BTW; some are very small. I’d rather not do this, but if Sam or waterj want to advocate it, that’s ok with me. :wink:

Of course, we can also approve a lot more power plants. Done that too. Of course, there’s the danger of having a glut of capacity in a few years; we might see some bankrupt power suppliers. Given the steepness of the short run demand and supply curves, price volatility would be expected even in an unregulated competitive market (with many suppliers). The answer to this problem does indeed lie in long term contracts. But it may be difficult to induce a buyer to sign such a contract when they can sell power for ten times what it costs to produce on a spot market.

What’s funny is that electrical production has been a regulated monopoly for some 50 years. It’s only with steps towards deregulation that these problems turned up. So advocating price caps in this context really isn’t that big a deal. Intellectual honesty also involves aknowledging that the preceding years of regulation were far superior to CA’s and Montana’s experience with deregulation.

My understanding is that successful implementations of deregulation have involved incentives to produce excess capacity (specifically in Britain). Sounds good, but I find it odd to call such an intervention “true deregulation”.

(Grey Davis: Wasn’t it the PUC who blocked the suppliers from signing long term contracts? Did Grey really play a role there? It wouldn’t necessarily surprise me; he’s really dragged his feet with the crisis. Not that W has made things easy for the guy.)

Sailor: I never asserted that suppliers had price discussions with one another. I asserted that closing a plant down for “repairs” essentially announces that you are withholding capacity, and allows for implicit collusion.

Or maybe the NY Times just has a more comprehensive understanding of economics than you do, so they understand for example that not correcting for externalities is akin to subsidizing…only more pernicious. Your views seem to harken back to the '80s that I’d hoped were dead when people, including those running the executive branch, believed that any price set by an unregulated market was the “correct” price and any attempt to correct an externality, either through a tax, regulation, or whatever, was government interference and therefore bad.

By the way, if the terms under which the government opens up the land to the oil drillers are anything like the terms under which they open up the land to the loggers, it is basically a giveaway even if you don’t start considering the environmental costs.

Alaska Federal Onshore Leases carry a 16.67% royalty and are bid for at public auction. This bidding drives initial lease bonuses way beyond what are ever paid for private mineral lease bonuses.

It’s pretty standard to include restorative work at the expense of the operator in any such lease.

And if the ANWR can be developed to the potential 1 MMBO per day that industry projections hope for, it will provide the government with a little over $1.5 billion in revenue per year (using $25 oil - NYMEX light sweet was at ~$29.50 midday Friday).

So, I still don’t see the “subsidy.”

Can a cap that is indexed to a market price truly be called a cap? If natural gas ($4.248 at market close on Thursday) goes to $6-7, does the cap just rise with it?

Let’s see what else Cheney said. I quote from Krugman:

Nobody in public life speaks exclusively of conservation to the exclusion of, say, building more power lines. To characterize one’s opponents that way is to use straw man tactics; one could also say (at least in a headline, for gosh sakes) that it is a bit of sneer.

Indeed, it is arguably the failure to extend US CAFE standards (gas mileage standards) to cover SUVs that led us into the current shortage of refinery capacity. As Krugman pointed out, we had a surplus of refinery capacity for many years; environmental regulations have very little to do with the current infrastructure shortage.
[sub]Thanks to toadspittle for providing the link.[/sub]

Sure, if it’s a flexible cap. Exchange rates can fixed at “crawling pegs”. There’s no reason why the cap couldn’t be indexed to broader energy costs. Heck, the FEC recently announced some sort of price cap tied to electrical capacity, although I understand that it’s fairly straightforward to evade.

flowbark, let me ask if I’m understanding you correctly (I may not be). Are you proposing a situation wherein the generators (and, I suppose, the end-use suppliers) work with some set profit that I guess would depend on regular audits? I guess what I think you’re talking about might act as a brake on market swings, but would not actually be a “highest price you’ll ever pay” cap.

So, if the average market price of natural gas over some set period (say a quarter) went from $4 to $6 would consumers see a 50% increase in their price the following quarter?

Sounds like an interesting place…

And yes, I realize the situation is not that mathematically straightforward, flowbark. The gas price we see reported is the wellhead, or line tap, price and manny things intervene before it becomes Reddy Kilowatt in the kitchen. We sell gas at the tap at around $4.40 right now, but I buy it at home at about $108. I’m just trying to get the gist of your thought.

God, no.

No. Not Cap= c*(energy Price Index); it would be more like cap=A + b*(energy price index). The size of “A” would not be trivial; it reflects labor and capital costs. Note also that a would probably be set somewhat above the normal competitive price level, to reflect the scarcity of capacity.

Finally, in case it wasn’t clear, a price cap won’t solve all of California’s problems. It is directed narrowly at the incentive and ability of certain producers to curtail electrical output for the purposes of jacking up prices. Over the medium and long-run long term contracts and certain incentives for building some excess capacity would be a good idea. Real-time pricing should play a role as well. In the meantime, we have a (capacity) supply shock to deal with.

Oh yes, rates have to go up. But that’s been done. Twice. Non-trivially.

Now I don’t even blame the producers for gouging; if somebody handed me a fistful of one hundred dollar bills, I’d probably take them. But since the suppliers’ enhanced profits are smaller than the losses absorved by their customers to a non-negligable extent, governmental action is appropriate.