Each local government maintains a list of voters called and electoral roll.
They do this by sending out forms every few years, asking who is living at each address. It standardised and quite simple, there is nothing like the ‘voter registration’ issues that bedevils US politics.
These voter lists are mapped onto geographic constituencies that elect MPs to Parliament. They are also used for local government elections.
The geographic area constituencies cover is decided by a national ‘Boundary Commission’. This adjusts the boundaries at intervals to ensure it takes account of population changes. There is a review coming due to complete in 2023. The Boundary Commission is independent of the government and holds public consultations so people can have their say. The political parties will be keen to assess the affect on their election prospects, but it won’t be dramatic. One effect is that there will be few less constituencies in the North of England and more in the South East. Win some lose some.
Again, it is nothing like the US system, where boundary issues are prone to political interference.
When people speak about the voting in an election for an MP in a constituency. They talk about ‘safe seats’ and ‘marginals’. A safe seat is where the pattern is for one party to regularly dominate in and area. The industrial heartlands and big cities like London, Manchester, Liverpool, Newcastle, Birmingham and so on tend to vote Labour. Outside of these dense urban centres, in the suburbs and countryside, they tend to vote either Conservative or for the centrist party the Liberal/Democrats.
So there are Tory (Conservative) safe seats and Labour safe seats and elections or won on persuading the voters in the marginals. A safe seat is where one party regularly wins a large majority of the votes. The maximum is 72,000 or whatever is the exact figure for that constituency, but that presumes everyone will actually vote. In the last General Election, the number of people turning out to vote as 67.3%. That is a kind of measure of political engagement. On the other hand, the recent local elections in my area of London had a turnout of 36%, which is appalling mainly because the area is solid Labour territory. If you vote in marginal area where there is a good chance of the elected party changing, you vote counts for more.
People talk about a constituency like Tiverton and Honiton being a safe Conservative seat because they got the majority of votes and that was 24,000 votes more than next party. This is the ‘first past the post’ system where the competition between parties existing within each constituency. For another party to beat that in the coming by-election there would have to be a huge percentage swing in voting from the Conservative Party to another. If that happens it will send shock wave through the Conservative party and they will begin to seriously worry that they are losing the confidence of the voters. This does happen from time to time.
By-elections tend to attract the big names trying to shore up their parties support by shaking hands and being photographed with local dignitaries. There is often a bit of tactical voting. Conservative voters might be persuaded to vote for the Liberal Democrats, but would never vote for Labour. Sometimes a party will not campaign in an area where they stand little chance, but want to avoid dividing the anti-Conservative vote.
The Conservatives are fearful of losing their foothold in the traditionally Labour voting Red Wall seats in the North and in the prosperous South West they will be nervous of losing votes to the Liberal Democrats. I expect the Conservatives will win Tiverton and Honiton, but the party will look very closely at how much there majority has eroded because that will be a measure of how much support this scandal has cost the party if it were extrapolated nationally.
Local elections and Parliamentary by-elections are studied quite carefully for clues to the mood of the electorate.
There are also elections that take place in the devolved assemblies in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
The recent elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly have been interesting. Regular UK political parties do not participate in Northern Ireland assembly elections. Northern Ireland has its own parties and there has been a significant swing to the Irish Republican Sinn Fein party. This is very significant.
UK politicians keep a wary eye on Northern Ireland because of its troubled constitutional history. Boris Johnson got elected on the basis that he ‘got Brexit done’. Well in Northern Ireland, the business of drawing a border between EU and UK rules was fudged and it is a difficult constitutional problem whose solution has been put off. The Northern Irish Assembly has not been in operation for some years now and there is a growing frustration that political decisions have been delayed for too long. This suits Johnson very at the moment. But the voters want this logjam fixed and the only way to get this Assembly working again is to fix the concerns the DUP have about the ‘Northern Irish Protocol’.
Biden takes a lot of interest in Irish politics. He has made it quite clear that the US will take a dim view of any of the terms of the Good Friday Agreement being compromised, which says no border in Ireland. The DUP say there should no border between the Northern Ireland and the UK. So back to you, Boris…
If Northern Ireland starts becoming restive, Boris can’t blame that on the Covid pandemic or Putin or any other external influence. It is entirely down to him and his Brexit fudge.