My interpretation makes more sense then, actually. He was not effectively (successfully) harbored in SF, unless you are asserting that they knew where he was and kept him in SF. For all the they knew he was out of SF as soon as he was released. Just because he chose to stay in SF doesn’t mean the city harbored him there.
Actually, they knew for three weeks that they might be releasing him soon, if and only if the city lawyers said they couldn’t hold him for ICE. They didn’t know when the lawyers would stop arguing and issue a decision.
You keep saying that they knew three weeks ahead of time that he would be released on day X, but what your citations say is that the lawyers took three weeks to decide. That is not at all the same thing. Trust me. I’ve waited for city lawyers to reach a decision. It could have been three days - it could have been four weeks. Or months.
And when they reach a decision, the response goes down the line, sometimes quickly, sometimes not. And when the news reaches whoever processes the release, maybe it happens the same day and maybe it’s too late in the day and it’s put off until tomorrow, or next Monday.
This is government work. Until it happens, you don’t know when it will happen. I’m sure ICE would have loved daily updates. The lawyers are still deciding. The lawyers are still deciding. The lawyers . . . uh. . . looks like the order went out at ten. So, maybe today unless the Mayor asks them to recheck. That happens sometimes. You ready to pick him up? Maybe today?
God, this is just going around in circles. I’m saying neither “harboring” nor “facilitating” includes merely failing to report. You’re saying they do. I’m saying the fact that you can be charged with harboring a criminal, in a state where it is legal to fail to report a criminal, is evidence that the legal definition of harboring doesn’t include merely failing to report.
Then, you just repeat that harboring includes facilitating. This isn’t responsive to my contention that neither of these words includes failure to report. Do you have any evidence that either harboring or facilitating includes failure to report?
Chicago to sue over the threat to withhold funding to sanctuary cities:
This looks like a similar question to the 21 year old drinking age/SD v. Dole. Is the withholding of funds coercive or is it merely a nudge to encourage cooperation with a federal policy?
In Dole, the Court upheld withholding a full 10% of a state’s highway funds for not having a 21 year old drinking age. Given the numbers in the cited article, this seems to fall below that and would be constitutional, IMHO.
In Dole the funding was explicitly contingent on certain activity. In the Chicago matter, the funding was not contingent at the time of its granting. Because of that, withholding such funding would not be constitutional. SCOTUS has held that the federal government may not impose conditions on grants to states and localities unless the conditions are “unambiguously” stated in the text of the law “so that the States can knowingly decide whether or not to accept those funds.” Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman
The amount is not the sole criteria. From the SD v Dole wiki page:
Since this fund being withheld is for police equipment I suppose it passes #3. But there is some question as to whether hold requests are constitutional so it could fail #4.
Here is a bit more discussion about the spending power and conditions imposed on grants:
There is no way it passes this requirement.
A big uncertainty is how the Supreme Court will view the holding of NFIB. The opinion is so fractured that’s its hard to say what it does as precedent on the issue of coercive funding.
Alito and Gorsuch are probably Trump votes regardless of the merits. But I think it’s hard to predict whether Kennedy, Thomas, Sotomayor, and Ginsburg would side with Kagan, Roberts, and Breyer or with Gorsuch and Alito. In the end I think you get at least 5 to apply NFIB to strike down coercive funding, especially since the Tenth Amendment piece of the puzzle is even stronger here than in NFIB or Dole.
Would it surprise you if Gorsuch ruled against the administration and overrule precedent? I’d be surprised.
Wait, wouldn’t ruling against the administration be following precedent? I thought that was your point in the previous couple of posts.
Wouldn’t ruling for the administration be overruling precedent?
Ninja’d, but the opposite view, by CarnalK
I’m not a big court watcher but I would not be surprised if Gorsuch ruled against the administration. No reason to assume he’s a Trump zombie and the facts and precedent look damning.
Yeah, messed that up. I mean, I think Gorsuch would vote to uphold precedent and rule against the Administration.
Is it possible for the Federal Government to just end this grant program completely, and then start a new one that specifically requires grant recipients to follow the ICE requests?
Congress could but that alone will not make it constitutional, I don’t think. Merely get it past one of the hurdles.
On close cases of national importance, I expect Gorsuch to be the most reliable vote for GOP-supported policy outcomes on the Court.
Time will tell.
I am not familiar with the granting process, but isn’t it a yearly thing? I understand that the feds could not require a repayment of funds, but why couldn’t next year’s grant “unambiguously” require ICE cooperation (assuming the other Dole factors are met)?
Sorry for the double post, but isn’t this like saying, “Well, you gave me highway funds last year without any drinking age requirements, so you can’t change the rules next year!”
It could but future possible legislation doesn’t effect current lawsuits.