Article One, Section Ten of the U.S. Constitution details the sovereign powers the states agreed to cede to the Federal government. Given here with a few things highlighted:
Section 10, Clause 1 (Contracts Clause): No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
Section 10, Clause 2 (Export Clause): No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it’s inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress.
Section 10, Clause 3 (Compact Clause): No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.
Along with other provisions of powers granted to the Federal congress in the rest of Article One, a broad principle is clearly established: The Federal government is to have a monopoly on foreign relations, and especially the Federal government alone is to determine whether or not the states are conducting armed hostilities with a foreign power. Particularly pertinent is Clause 3’s ban on the states possessing “troops, or ships of war”. As hypothetical examples, it would be absolutely forbidden for the state of Texas to maintain an armed force with which it conducted drug or immigration raids across the border into Mexico; or for the state of Florida to have it’s own naval policy with regards to Cuba; or for any of the states on the northern tier of the US to use or threaten to use force against Canada. The point I wish to highlight here is that the states agreed to cede not just the right, but the actual capacity, to wage war against a foreign power. There would be one national army and one national navy. Here is part of Article One Section Eight, detailing various military authority granted to the Fed:
To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;
To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;
To provide and maintain a navy;
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;
To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
So if a state can be forbidden from keeping “troops” in peacetime, then just what exactly is the Second Amendment promising? In particular, if the 2nd talks about something called a “militia” in connection with the keeping and bearing of arms, than just what exactly is the difference between a militia and troops?
In every document contemporary with the Second Amendment that mentions the subject of the militia, the answer is clear and unambiguous: the militia is synonomous with the people, the mass of the populace, armed with their own privately held weapons; the posse comitatus that in times of emergency can be summoned to the common defense.
The confusion arises from the near-universal perception today that the militia was each states’ army, and that the Second Amendment protected a state government’s authority to possess armed forces, while leaving open the possibility that private citizens could be completely disarmed. When taking Article One Section Ten Clause Three into consideration, it seems to mean exactly the opposite: that given that under the letter of A1S10C3 the states could in principle be forbidden to possess ANY standing, professional armed force, that a non-professional armed populace that could be deputized or mustered at need was to be the guarantee of safety and order.
So can each state, or private citizens possess atomic bombs? Again, A1S10C3 points the way, with it’s ban on states keeping “ships of war”. If the purpose is to preserve the federal government’s constitutionally mandated monopoly on the power to wage foreign war, then the states- and presumably private citizens- can be forbidden to possess strategic weapons systems intended to project military power against a foreign nation. At a minimum, a modern extension of the concept of “ships of war” could be held to include armed aircraft and long-range missile systems.
It seems clear to me that the Federal government was to be the ONLY level of government that had a standing professional armed force. The states were to rely on armed citizens, who could be summoned on a purely temporary, mostly local scale. Because Article One of the Constitution gave the federal government a joint authority with the states to call out the militia, it was feared that either the federal government would use it’s authority to maintain a permanent civilian draft, or alternatively it would order the citizenry disarmed, leaving the states helpless to enforce local order and dependent upon Federal power for domestic security.
The first ten amendments to the Constitution, submitted as a body known as the BIll of Rights, were intended to forestall any possible interpretation of the powers granted the Federal government by the Constitution that could end up leading to a despotism. The purpose of the Second Amendment seems to me to be: notwithstanding that Article One Section Eight, Clauses Fifteen and Sixteen give the Federal government authority over the militia, this shall NOT be construed as to permit the Federal government to disarm the citizenry.