[QUOTE=Martin Hyde]
One person who comes to mind (but who is slightly outside the 100-150 year range) is Simon Bolivar. While his ultimate efforts at a general South American federation failed, he did hold power for some time as a dictator (he declared himself dictator in fact, albeit temporarily.) My view of his governance is that he was fairly benevolent. Of course, part of the problem with Bolivar’s claim to “benevolent dictatorship” is his power was always shaky and he had to allow quite a lot of internal dissension and et cetera because he did not have the sort of political power within the country(ies) he was leader of the rule with a truly iron fist.
[/QUOTE]
And I get the suspicion that in the case of Bolívar, when he used the word to identify his office he was trying to draw upon the classical, old-Roman-republic sense of “dictator”, meaning a head of state that was legally and constitutionally given temporary absolute rule for the purpose of resolving a crisis. Faced with societies where Spanish colonialism had NOT planted the social bases for real republican conctitutional governeance, he and others felt they had to reinstate the figure of what during the Enlightenment had been called * “Enlightened Despot”*, only clothed in “republican” verbiage. Problem was, what if the crisis never really went away (And in any case, by the end of the Roman Republic, the concept had degenerated and Caesar himself drove the final nail by having his post extended to a lifetime appointment). Succesors used it gratuitiously and eventually its meaning became what we now use.
Now, the extent to which a dictator’s benevolence or the despot’s enlightenment may be recognized, involves a certain relativism on the part of the population and the historians. If the situation before the BD/ED’s rise was one of rampant crime and vice, worthless currency, famine and plague, military beat-downs, etc., and Mr. Strongman brings paved roads, clean running water, schools, hospitals, jobs, opportunities for social mobility, secure borders, and a feeling that you’re safe in your own house, then for quite a few years the People will be unlikely to care if some “troublemakers” get put in their place. However, while we’re at that, that support will last much longer if the suppression of the troublemakers happens through such means as repeated tax audits, denunciations in the official press, denial of promotion/tenure/license renewal/zoning variances, blog reports that they took money from shady types, pictures of them with their mistresses, nuisance lawsuits, fines for attempted mopery, etc.; rather than if the suppression involves businesses burned down, doors kicked down in the middle of the night and entire families disappearing, whole towns forcibly relocated, and critics being fed into woodchippers. (The Prince says: Ideally you want to be BOTH loved and feared; but since the first you can’t force, work to be feared, being ruthless if you must; yet don’t be gratuitious at it, you want to be feared, NOT HATED.)
But that raises a question about the notion in the OP… if you actually *are * supported by a large part of the people and they don’t particularly care if you have to bust a few heads to keep them safe and healthy and living decently, and the head-busting is moderate and narrowly targeted… are you being really a “dictator”?
And what if it’s not a PERSONAL autocracy? What if the regime has succesfully established an institutional structure to further the Enlightened Despotism platform for a considerable time(), and Chairmen/Presidents/General Secretaries can comfortably and safely retire and have no need to chain themselves to the chair until death? Because then theoretically you could imagine that the period of PRI one-party rule of Mexico for most of the 20th Century, specially the 30s to 70s, was close to a “benevolent dictatorship” (by an institution rather than one person) in the sense that the rule was not particularly tyrannical * to the generality of the population, it did advance in a limited manner some social and economic improvements, and critics and opposition were allowed a voice. BUT the system was rigged just so that PRI always won, no other platform had any chance of being put into effect and if you wanted reform you had to do it from within PRI and if the institution did not want your reform, well tough luck; you had episodes like the Cristeros, or the Tlatelolco massacre in 1968, or the murders of political candidates in state elections, where you could see that the powers-that-be or their proxies were not hesitant to just shoot whoever rocked the boat; and there was wide-ranging graft, from the cop on the beat shaking you down for “mordida” to high officials’ relatives depositing serious millions of unexplained origin in foreign banks. Main difference with a conventional dictatorship, however, was that the PRI’s control of the process only held up for as long as it could command enough support among actual people to make their ballot-stuffing sound plausible. Once they lost that, they could no longer hold on.
(*That’s another thing. Is it a requirement for a “dictatorial” or depotic regime to purport to establish itself for all perpetuity, or can there be one that **sincerely ** intends to just rule until the agenda is completed, even if it takes more than a lifetime?)