Well, if you want to look at the progressivity or regressivity of the social security system as a whole then that is another question. It turns out to be a rather difficult question to answer because the system involves intergenerational transfers and so the answer you get depends on what you assume for how you deal with that. However, it is worth noting that some of the conservative/libertarian groups (such as Cato) that argue for privatizing social security actually have been making the case that the system is now regressive (as a step in arguing that a privatized system would be better for the poor). See, for example, what CATO’s Michael Tanner says here or what the NCPA (another conservative group) says here.
The other issue is that you have to be careful not to double-count. (Not saying that you have, but I have seen this sort of thing done before.) You can complain about the tax system being too progressive or you can complain about social security being a transfer of money to the poor. But, you can’t look at the entire S.S. system (both tax and benefits) to determine its progressivity and then separately go on to complain about its benefits being progressive. In the end, I see no reason to group out social security taxes independent of other taxes, because I could argue that certain things that the federal income taxes go to benefit the rich disproportionately, for example. Also, it should be noted that at the moment, the revenues coming into the S.S. system are greater than those being paid out and the surplus is being used to fund other government programs. This is supposed to be paid back eventually but it is not clear what the distribution will be for the revenues to do that, so in the meantime it makes some sense to count some of the S.S. taxes as going to general revenues.
Well, there are a couple of problems here:
(1) You implicitly define “redistribution” as anything other than a flat tax system. However, that is somewhat arbitrary. There are other possible definitions such as looking at the difference between how much someone would get in the absence of government vs. in its presence. It is hard to say how much each person gets out of the collective enterprise of government but I can pretty much guarantee you that Bill Gates wouldn’t be able to amass even a small fraction of his present fortune without the benefits he gets from having the government to enforce contracts, corporate law, etc. Furthermore, every political decision has distributive implications. The fact that we have chosen to have corporate law the way it is has allowed the accumulation of vast amounts of wealth into a small number of hands. The wealth distribution that comes out of this decision is by no means written in stone as the correct one.
(2) Again, you are not looking at everything. As I noted, state tax systems are generally regressive, so that (by your definition) there is redistribution upward. If you look at the tax structure in toto, it is said to be pretty close to flat over most of the scale.
Well, statistics are available on what has happened to real (adjusted for inflation) incomes over the past 20 years or so. The basic summary is this: The top 1% have seen their real incomes (after taxes even) rise by 150%…i.e., go up by a factor of 2.5. Those at the median have seen a much more anemic rise (I think it is like 10%). And, those near the bottom have essentially just been staying even.
Another statistic is median real hourly wages which were essentially flat between 1980 and ~1997 and then gained a bit of ground in the last few years of the Clinton Administration. They may have lost ground again the last couple of years.
No…This is something that we have to decide as a society through the political process. Some argue that we have no right to decide it, but as I noted above, since every policy decision has implications on distribution, this really amounts to the argument that we will adopt policies that make income distribution very unequal and then refuse to consider any policies to even it out.