Rep. Dennis Kucinich of Ohio ultimately endorses a Kerry/? ticket, and that was and remains as foregone a conclusion as his ultimate defeat at the upcoming Democratic National Convention in Boston; it will be Kerry to have a go at Bush, and Kucinich to assume also-ran status. But right now he is still running, the only other contestant running, and Kucinich delegates and supporters turned out Saturday to watch (and work) as he passed through Houston on the homestretch to Boston.
A cornerstone of the Kucinich campaign is: a renewed commitment to peace and non-violence by rejecting policies of preemptive and unilateral war, by working with the world community and supporting international agreements, and by creating a Cabinet-level department to study and advance peace and nonviolence as a fundamental organizing principle in all human relations, from families and neighborhoods, to courts and congresses, both nationwide and internationally.
A resolution on this issue survived committee after being significantly abridged. Kucinich delegates worked to restore the original by petitioning support from other delegates.
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There were some, supporters, delegates, new converts (and all for a man with no chance) who were front and center even before Kucinich had made it to the podium. They went wild with welcome; hoots were hollered, and signs were waved. Others joined them, leaving their seats and making their way down aisles to fill the space between first row and official cordon. I found a space for myself there among them. They were loud with excitement, but the Congressman from Ohio did not delay his remarks. He had a message to deliver.
If John Edwards had offered an indictment of Bush, then Kucinich preached a plainspoken denunciation. If John Edwards had lit up the place, then Kucinich set it ablaze. He brought those standing up front to a roar as he railed against the lies, and ignorance, and greed that wrought the war in Iraq, the loss of lives, the diversion of resources, tax cuts for the wealthy and Haliburton sweetheart deals. Chants of “bring them home” punctuated his remarks. He levied rational contempt for The USA Patriot Act and a riled audience approved. Cheers threatened to drown out a list of “weapons of mass destruction right here at home,” and he pounded out of the podium a litany of national travesties: poverty, homelessness, inadequate healthcare, and poorly funded education among them.
I could not – from my vantage point – see those who remained seated; I can only assume that some did. I saw only those on their feet, and they were certainly in the majority. It seemed the entire convention had risen, been stirred, jolted from passive participation to active expression by a shock of electricity. The hall was palatably energized, excited by the Progressive vision. Kucinich hammered home fundamental issues of social and economic justice, laid bare the betrayal of core American ideals by the current administration, and predicted/promoted their ouster with a John Kerry victory in November. It was his only mention of the absent Kerry. Kucinich, with a fiery performance, had stolen the show.
There were no doubt attendees who had, maybe, only heard the name “Kucinich” prior to Saturday morning. Surely some who wondered “who is this man I’ve never heard of?” Certainly many were surprised and inspired by what they heard. This other candidate, this short guy with the funny name, talked about things, things about which you don’t hear John Kerry talking. He talked about them in a manner, a manner in which John Kerry seems incapable of talking. Suddenly, the “anybody but Bush” mantra begged a frustrating question, “so then why not Kucinich?” Texas Democrats had finally gotten a good glimpse (albeit too late) of the real (regardless of his “electabilty” quotient) alternative to George W. Bush, and a good listen to a committed, and passionate reformer. For many, and for far more than just 10% of the participants, Kucinich’s closing remarks signaled an end to what had been and what was to be the most memorable event of the 2004 Texas State Democratic Convention.
Amid the din of appreciative applause and raucous cheer, there arose, from a group of the diehards up front, the strained yet plaintive repetition of “Kerry can you hear us? Kerry can you hear us?” Scattered amongst the party faithful, skeptics were revealed, some Progressive loyalists claiming more allegiance to issues and ideals than to the centrist, moderate, right-leaning direction of the Democratic Party. They gave expression to the great fear that, by ignoring their own left wing, the Democrats may be leaving open the possibility of a regrettable repeat of 2000’s tragic defeat. Will Kerry hear them?
US Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee did. Later, in an address that seemed almost a calculated response to Kucinich’s moment and the Progressive’s stand, Lee called for party unity. She invited “everyone” to get up and come on down front, coaxing a repeat performance of what earlier had been a spontaneous happening. She urged all Democrats, especially and gently nudging the Kucinich crowd, to forget their differences and “come together under the big tent.” Her remarks were entirely appropriate for the venue and occasion, and were well received. Nothing, however, was said about anyone meeting anyone else, not anywhere, not partway and let alone halfway. We will have to wait until November to learn just how far (to the right) some of that 10% is willing and/or not willing to travel to reach that “big tent.”
The Report from the Resolutions Committee, and the business it initiated, suggested that some of the convention’s 90% just might be willing “with the opportunity and enough information” to pitch that tent somewhere a little closer to where the Progressive’s live. Convention delegates adopted no fewer than five resolutions lifted verbatim from Kucinich’s platform. These included (1) the preservation of a woman’s right to choose legal and safe abortion, (2) the declaration of worker’s rights as human rights, (3) support for family farms and rural communities, which along with (4) the repeal of the USA Patriot Act, were both adopted unanimously. Two days of signature gathering paid off for the Kucinich delegates. With two thousand signatories – a number which exceeded the minimum required for the introduction of a resolution from the floor – Kucinich delegates had successfully resurrected the original version of his resolution for (5) a renewed commitment to peace and non-violence and the creation of a Cabinet-level Department of Peace. It too was adopted by the convention. These were not the only triumphs for Progressives. The Progressive Populist Caucus actively petitioned support for a resolution supporting a moratorium on the Texas death penalty. They succeeded. The resolution was read and adopted, so too were resolutions endorsing, medical marijuana, campaign finance reform, voter’s rights, and the protection of American workers from the corporate outsourcing of jobs. This happened in Texas of all places, right here, in downtown Houston.
Obviously, these issues were of concern to more than just a few. But it was thanks to the dedication and work of a relative few that convention delegates were allowed the opportunity to hear, discuss, and vote on these issues. Issues. That is why Kucinich is still in this race, still gaining support, support that seems to grow with his ever-increasing status as a super-underdog. He has no pie-in-the-sky dream of occupying the White House; his real hope is to influence the direction and vision of the Democratic Party.
