And was then challenged with:
And responds with:
Now, you seem to be backing off the statement that Blix left “out key points of Iraqi dishonesty from his reports.” I agree that Blix did not mention the drones in his speech. However, the drones turned out not to be what the administration claimed. Can you make the case that the drones represented “key points of Iraqi dishonesty”? And if you try, can you claim it was more damaging to the credibility of Hans Blix then the Niger uranium intelligence the US passed to the UN inspectors was to the administration? Who, do you claim, has more credibility on these issues?
And I challenged with this:
And you responded:
Pardon me if I conclude that you have failed to support your original assertion. I’d even be intereseted in the “unfortunate” quote, specifically when it was made, since I had stated:
As an example of why I ask, please review this comment:
At least in early January, there didn’t seem to be even a hint of a question regarding the inspectors’ “integrity or professionalism”. While the administration later did, I assert that it was part of the campaign to slander and discredit the UN inspection team, when it was evident they weren’t rubber-stamping the US’ position. I further assert that the administration’s swing on this very issue is an indicator of a lack of bias. That is, a good measure of a lack of bias is criticism from both sides. In this particular case, it is support when the third party appears helpful to your cause, and criticism when they don’t. Something that didn’t appear to describe Rolf Ekeus.
You are right, the fact that I got wrong was that Blix wasn’t appointed til 2000, not 1998, as I stated (from memory, my mistake, irrelevent as it may be). I agree that Blix was a compromise candidate, but I never claimed that he was the US’ preference. I said, “the US supported Hans Blix’ appointment to UNMOVIC.” For support, I offer:
Let’s review another exchange:
I would be very interested in your “fact” from the first statement. I am aware that Iraqi intelligence gathered information on the inspectors covertly, but I am unaware of any “fact” established that members of the UN inspection team were “tipping off” the Iraqi regime. Please educate me. This has some import, since we can now conclude that Iraqi intelligence operatives are no longer functioning. And I note that you did not refute what I claimed was widely accepted (and further supported by Randy’s post, so far, unchallenged).
Now that leads us to the heart of your argument, the “slippery slope” issue.
First, let me acknowledge that I have no doubt that the UN, France and Russia in particular, is interested in getting involved in the reconstruction of Iraq, and further agree that the motivations come down to money. Of course, that sword cuts both ways, opening the administration up to charges of greed, favoritism, and economic imperialism. However, like I said, that is for another thread.
For the issue related to the OP, I claim that having third party inspectors (and I believe the UN inspectors are the best choice) is in the interests of the US, regardless of what France and Russia seek. You claim:
with lot’s of additional support unquoted. Addressing the first argument you use to support this contention, essentially arguing that those that already believe will continue to, and those that don’t, won’t. A point I already acceded. But then you note that, “Bush cares about the undecided”. On that point, I had previously posted:
So, do you now refute that more of the undecided, both domestically and internationally, would be persuaded by third party inspections than US military inspections?
On preview:
I think it is fair to say that the UN is anti-war, at the root of its very purpose.