Will Bush make the same mistake Clinton did?

When Clinton took office in 1992 from 12 years of a Republican White House, he had the benefit of having a majority Democratic congress in both houses of the 103rd congress (in itself a response to the Reagan/Bush years). But two years later, the 104th congress became Republican-controlled, a backlash to the '92 elections. So although Clinton had high hopes for some major (and quick) reform, and although he accomplished much, he also didn’t accomplish much (national health care) and compromised much (don’t ask/don’t tell) of his ideals.

Now Dubya is presented with the same situation - a Republican-dominated house (well, ok, it’s pretty even, but it’s still technically the majority), and he has a lot of things he wants to change right away from the Clinton administration. My questions:

[ol][li]Will Bush accomplish what he wants to accomplish in his first two years, or will Democrats effectively block him on part or all of his agenda until the '02 elections?[/li]
[li]Will there be a backlash against Bush and the Republicans in two years and give us a Democratic-controlled congress? If so, what effect will that have on the Bush presidency?[/li]
[li]Clinton had to deal with six years of an opposite-controlled congress and muddled through, for better or for worse. Would Bush be as successful? Is Clinton or Bush a better unifier between the parties?[/li]
[li]How will all this affect both congress and the presidency in 2004?[/ol][/li]
I, for one, am not looking forward to the next two years, but am hopeful that we will get a Democratic congress in two years.

Esprix

That begs the question, what does Bush want?

Which begs the question, who-all wants some bush? :wink:

(Sorry, I couldn’t resist.)

Hmm. Interesting question.

On the one hand, both seem to be coming in on relatively similar circumstances- having received less than 50% of the vote (and thus being castigated as “illegitimate” even before they begin), and each now heading up a government lead by their party after years of divided government. Both were somewhat moderate, but noted for their willingness to move away from standard party doctrine.

However, I think Bush will likely fare ‘better’ than Clinton for a number of reasons:

1.) Bush is ‘more illegitimate’ from the start. Clinton was kind of sidewhacked by the revulsion the right held for him; I doubt that anyone in the coming Bush administration has any illusions that the left isn’t harboring those same kinds of resentments. So Bush may be better able to prepare.

2.) When Clinton became President, Congress had a sizable Democratic majority, and thus was able to do damn-fool stuff and lose a few moderate votes without running too much of a risk of failure. Of course, said damn-fool stuff would later bite the Democrats in the ass in '94. Conversely, the Republicans have a slim majority, and damn-fool stuff may be attempted, but it’s much less likely to actually pass. Thus, the current Congress may act a great deal more moderate than the '93-'94 Congress did.

3.) Clinton came into office with no experience at the national level, and no close advisors with any real (recent) experience. As a result, it was a lot easier for him to squander his support and get carried away by the more liberal Congress. Conversely, Bush’s administration is likely to be very heavy with people who have a great deal of experience at the national level (not least of which, Dick Cheney, and W can always give a phone call to Daddy), so it’s more likely that Bush can avoid the inexperienced mistakes that Clinton made.

4.) Clinton didn’t have an example of how not to run your first few years of divided government. Bush does in Clinton.

5.) The Democrats who controlled Congress in '92 were largely unrepentant. They hadn’t lost the House since '54, and they hadn’t even lost seats in an election since '80. So there was a lot of belief in the Democratic leadership that they could do whatever the hell they wanted, and the public could go screw itself- they’d never lose Congress. Conversely, the Republican majority in Congress has at least some clue that they’ve been screwing up in the PR biz for the last six years, and they certainly know that their majority can easily be taken away.
Of course, there are plenty of things that could go wrong-
1.) Bush could actually turn out to be a conservative ideolouge. Given his father’s lack of strong philosophy, and given that Bush has been perfectly willing to swing farther left than any previous Republican President, I doubt Bush will suddenly try to force a complete and total right-wing agenda upon the nation; but I’m just making an educated guess. Bush could decide to swerve right and follow DeLay and Lott’s lead. Especially if headed by a “go for broke” attitude (“Hell, we won’t control Congress in '02, or the Presidency in '04- let’s omnibus everything right away and stuff it down the people’s throats while we still have any power; then, in '16, when people start trusting us again, we’ll try it again”).

2.) Bush hasn’t yet manifested the charm and charisma of Clinton. While Bush has proven to be a good politician (come on- he beat Gore in a race that six months ago everyone said Gore would win by ten to twenty points. While one can fault Gore for mistakes, one must give some credit to Bush for running a strong campaign), I don’t think he’ll have the ability to wiggle his way out of his predicaments the way Clinton did.

Still, I think the next four years will be denoted by moderation, with Bush trying to pull the Republican Congress to the left, and a generally mixed agenda gets put through (some really conservative stuff, but some really liberal stuff will likely also get through as sort of a quid pro quo. But generally, mixed stuff will get passed).

Good points, but there is another difference that may not work in W_Bush’s favor:

The Democratic Party, in the decade or so preceding Clinton, had lost its moorings pretty badly. The New Deal / Great Society momentum and aspirations were in tatters, yet they seemed to hold no alternative vision. Bill Clinton did not arrive in office to sit at the head of a highly organized and ideologically driven Democratic Party, and the failures of his first years had a lot to do with the lack of unity among Democrats.

The Republican Party, for some time now, has been heavily dominated at the upper ranks of leadership by ideologically conservative people such as Dennis Hastert, Trent Lott, Orrin Hatch and Jesse Helms. There are some considerably more moderate Republicans out there, but they are not pulling the main strings. W is likely to find himself thwarted and blocked as much by the conservative right as by the revenge-thirsty Democrats when he tries to do his middle of the road compromise thing, and he will also no doubt feel compelled to toss them (the right) some important bones, which will make the more moderate Democrats who might otherwise work with him less likely to do so.

So whereas Clinton’s problem was weak unity in his own party, W_Bush’s is going to be too much unity in his, located too far to the right, along with not enough majority. And there will be just enough Democratic folks who would rather see him trip over his own shoelaces than cooperate on reasonable legislation to keep him from doing effective middle-around-the-right maneuvers that might otherwise teach the right wing that they aren’t the only show in town.

With all due respect, John, huh??

Six months ago, I was definitely an exception in claiming that it was still Gore’s race to lose. (I hadn’t counted on the importance of Katherine Harris or the US Supreme Court. Other than that, I was pretty much on target, but I don’t recall having had much company then.) And even the few Democratic optimists there were, weren’t saying anything about margin.

With the exception of the few weeks immediately following the Democratic convention, I don’t recall anytime since 1997 that anybody thought this would be easy for Gore. First there was Monicagate, then impeachment. Shortly after that was over, Bush raised some incredible pile of money for his nomination run. And Gore was changing the color of his suits and looking somewhat lost.

A lot of people are saying, now, that Gore should have been able to make a cakewalk of it. And maybe that’s so. But other than that brief post-convention blip, I remember no point (since Monica first found fame, anyway) when the pundits thought Gore would win easily.

The problem here is the assumption that Dubya is any sort of moderate. He’s not; in terms of programs, he’s every bit as conservative as Lott and DeLay. As I’ve said elsewhere, the main difference between their conservatism and Bush’s is that Bush purports to believe that America’s problems can be solved by getting government out of the way, and fixing our problems one person at a time - while Lott and DeLay want to get government out of the way, and don’t really give a flip as to whether anybody’s problems are solved. (Unless they’re rich people or corporations, of course. And Bush has shown great eagerness to solve their problems, too.)

So while they may have different overarching goals, they have identical policy goals. Lott and DeLay will push Bush’s agenda, but with any luck they’ll put a worse public face on it. But they won’t be in actual opposition on anything substantial.

Bush seems to have very little of the zeal that Reagan did for trying to reduce big government.

As such, he won’t appoint a Watt to sell the country’s assets to big business.

He may even be less inclined to care about tax cuts than before the election, expecially now that the economy is slowing down.

So, on the balance, I’d say he has a good chance to be the uniter he wants to be seen as.

It depends upon Congress. If the democrats are mad and looking for payback for how the republicans treated Clinton while he was president, then Bush hasn’t got a prayer. Had the Republican candidate been a congressman who voted for Clinton’s impeachment, I’d say he didn’t have a prayer. But since W. is an “outsider” perhaps the democrats will work with him.

Actually I think the Dem Congress will play nice for the next couple of years. Then if they get power in 2002 they will try to do W what the GOP tried to do to Clinton. I wouldn’t be surprised if all of a sudden after 2002 there will be a spate of scandals investigated by Congress. Given W’s hands-off style something is bound to turn up.

Looking at how he ran his campaign, I see very little sign that Bush has learned anything from Clinton’s mistakes.

Back in '92, nosy reporters wanted to know if Clinton had ever smoked marijuana. There are three good answers to that question:

  1. Yes.

  2. No.

  3. None of your !@#$% business.

Clinton picked 2, then unwisely switched to 1 and tacked on, “but I didn’t inhale.” This, of course, earned him the worst of all possible worlds; it didn’t even remotely placate the hard-core drug warriors, plus it made him look silly, shifty, and dishonest to people who didn’t give a flying fart what drugs he did in his youth.

Did Bush learn from this? Apparently not. When the reporters got onto him about his alleged cocaine history, he gives us, “Not in the last 22 years,” thus immediately making himself look just as silly (well, almost as silly) as Clinton did 8 years ago. If you don’t want to answer the question, tell them, “None of your business,” don’t try to put an obvious spin on a harmful answer.

I agree with John Corrado that the Republican Congress is unlikely to be as complacent as the Democratic Congress in 1992. But I do not think Bush is paying any attention to the history of Clinton’s administration.

It’s been part of my job to monitor precicely what Shub has in store for the Department of Interior. It would appear that contrary to Omniman’s opinion, Bush does intend to turn Interior over to those who prefer profit to preservation. The two options that have been publicly expressed and privately rumored are these:

  1. An unemployed Slade Gorton is placed as SecInt. Gorton makes James Watt look like Ralph Waldo Emerson when it comes to respect for environment and natural resources. Fortunately, it is widely thought that Shrub isn’t actually stupid enough to appoint the person who personifies the big-business approach to depleting fisheries, strip mining, old-growth forest harvesting, and hatred of American Indians.

  2. Governor of Montana Mark Rasicot is the more likely candidate. He stood in as one of Bush’s pit-bulls in the Florida fiasco, making cogent, well worded arguments for the Bush camp. As a result, he has a big-ass favor coming to him. He’s no tree-hugger, to be sure, but he is a damned sight better prospect than Gorton. Similar views, but somewhat moderated by the presence of a conscience. It is speculated that he will kiss the Indians just before he f**ks them.

Either way, you are going to see a remarkably different Interior. The (democ)rats are already jumping from the sinking ship, taking with them most of the Department’s institutional knowledge and leaving behind a disorganized system of regulations and records that will place their successors squarely in violation of the law from day one. There is the possibility that this may actually result in the requested funding needed to reorganize Interior, but I consider it much more likely that those who would profit from the exploitation of our country’s natural resources, legally or illegally, will find it much easier to do so under the next administration.

It’s sort of OT, but how could that have been a “Response” to the Reagan/Bush years when both houses were controlled by Democrats through many of those years? The House of Reps had been Democratic since before Reagan was governor of California, so there was no “response” there.

As John Corrado points out, the Congress of 1992 was very different from the Congress of today in that the Democrats had a definiate air of complete invincibility about them; they’d controlled the House of Reps for damn near four decades, ha ha ha. I can still remember lots of commentary about how being an incumbent meant you were guaranteed a job for life, especially if you were a Democrat. The surprising losses in 1994 changed that attitude, and I doubt today’s GOP possesses the sort of illusion of invincibility the Dems had up until 1994.

Oops - I stand corrected.

Esprix