Let me try and distill my political philosophy as concisely as possible. It may not look it, but I do try and keep an open mind. Participating on these forums has shaped how I think and even how I vote.
Political order depends on a stable configuration of power.
The sovereign ultimately rests on kratos (power, threat of violence).
Sovereigns are displaced by power, not moral argument alone.
Law is ultimately what the sovereign says it is.
Legal obligations are imposed by sovereign power.
The sovereign embeds moral commitments in its laws.
Law reflects moral judgement on power distribution.
Individuals may condemn laws as immoral.
Moral condemnation does not invalidate laws.
Moral obligation to the law arises via social contract.
Participation in the social compact entails reciprocal moral entitlements and obligations.
Withdrawal from the social compact forfeits reciprocal moral claims beyond basic human decency.
The sovereign of the United States is its people.
The law of the United States distributes some of the sovereign power among the federal and state governments; other powers are reserved to the people.
The power to regulate abortion access is largely delegated to either the states or the people, depending on state constitutions.
Therefore,
When is it moral to reject the law? We have historical precedent to teach us.
The United States is structurally flawed and often anti-majoritarian, yet it remains a functioning democratic republic. It has not always so remained. The institution of chattel slavery fundamentally undermined the political order, culminating in the secession of the Confederate States in 1860. Why was the Confederacy in the wrong, and the Union in the right, in 1860? Though the result was dictated by strength, our moral judgment is not. Neither can the atrocity of slavery provide the answer; the Union allowed slavery. Slavery drove the Confederacy to secede, but the Union did not go to war to eradicate slavery. No, the Confederacy was wrong because it was wrong for those states to secede. There are mitigating circumstances that justify withdrawal from a social compact, but a desire to preserve slavery is not such a reason.
Individuals oppressed by state abortion laws may be morally justified in resisting them, for the same reason slaves were morally justified in revolting. They are not immune from legal consequences. But fidelity to the law is morally required for those who participate in the system, particularly those who wield authority or reap benefits under it. Judges who cannot in good conscience enforce the law should resign; citizens who cannot in good conscience abide by the law should consider emigration, if possible; otherwise weigh fidelity to the law against the moral consequences of withdrawing from the social compact. Thus, Socrates drank hemlock; the slave attempts escape; the citizen either harbors a fugitive, turns him out, or reports him. The United States’s refusal to recognize a federal constitutional right to abortion does not, in my view, fundamentally undermine the political order in the way slavery did. Therefore, the only moral course available to me is to work within the system and live with the consequences. I acknowledge that I am privileged; women who face injury or death confront a different moral calculus.
A fundamental difference between many of us involves how we understand state-level authority. If the Constitution does not delegate abortion regulation to the federal government, then that authority resides with the states or the people. I do not view state-level deprivation of a claimed right as categorically more illegitimate than federal-level deprivation. Once constitutionally authorized sovereign power settles an issue, the moral fork is the same: work within the system to change it, or reject the system and accept the consequences.
If a constitutional amendment banned abortion nationwide, I would see only two coherent paths: pursue repeal through amendment or abandon the system entirely. Many seem to believe we reach that fork only under a federal ban. I believe we reach it whenever sovereign authority–federal or state–resolves the question within the constitutional framework.
History reflects this pattern. The institution of chattel slavery was embedded in the constitutional order and ultimately destroyed only after a decisive shift in power forced the ratification of the Reconstruction Amendments. Prohibition was imposed through law and later repealed through the same constitutional mechanisms. The system can entrench grave injustices. Change comes only when power shifts–either expressed through the structure or forced upon it.
~Max