Continuing the discussion from Re: Validity of positions in the topic: For those who are in favor of “abortion being left to the states” - why?:
I’m putting myself out there, but I think this is what it comes down to, for me personally. I consider myself neutral on abortion. I don’t believe abortion is (or should be) murder, but I also don’t believe the right to abortion is a natural or human right. I abstained from voting on the last abortion ballot measure. Also worth noting, I am not a woman.
That being said, I support the Supreme Court’s decision to return the abortion issue back to the states. I do not think having some states ban abortion and others allow it is a good result. It’s actually really unfair. But I think it would be worse if the federal government protected/banned abortion nationwide, because I don’t think the federal government has the legal power to do that. I would rather the federal government follow the law than break it in the name of protecting health and lives, because the only way we can fix our government is by acknowledging its flaws.
I agree with the Supreme Court that the Constitution does not insulate abortion from state regulation. This should not be surprising: in the 1860s, women were legally subordinate. The Constitution does not grant women property rights; that victory was won state by state, through a slow, democratic grind that eventually forced a national consensus. The suffrage movement worked state by state until it gained enough momentum for a Constitutional amendment. The path to progress in America has rarely been a sudden, top-down decree from a federal bench. By returning abortion to the states, the Supreme Court is forcing us to engage in that grind once again.
If we truly believe in democracy, we must accept that a community may set its own moral standards, however regressive they may seem, provided they do not infringe upon fundamental human rights. While I do not view abortion access itself as such a right (my argument would be very different if I did), the preservation of a mother’s life certainly is. States that provide no life-saving exceptions–or create enough legal ambiguity to ‘chill’ doctors from providing life-saving care–overstep their authority and violate that more basic right.
But what about the human cost? I do not deny that state abortion bans will cause thousands of women to suffer horribly and even lose their lives. And while I don’t personally believe a newly fertilized embryo is equivalent to a baby, I recognize that people with those beliefs view state abortion protections as sanctioning thousands of state killings. I lean towards the line between a morally acceptable abortion being somewhere between a heartbeat and natural viability. But when it came time to vote, I saw my choice as being all or nothing, keep the heartbeat law with limited exceptions, or enact what I saw as an overly broad protection. I talked to a lot of advocates. I helped convinced people to vote for and against the measure. But for me, it was a difficult decision. Neither side won my vote. I ultimately chose to abstain.
But when it comes to the Dobbs decision, or the question of a federal law protecting/banning abortion, the stakes are much higher. The alternative is no longer merely a state heartbeat law–the question is whether the federal policy is worth compromising the rule of law. When the federal government overreaches to “protect” a right that isn’t explicitly written in our founding documents, it weakens the rule of law. It creates a shortcut that bypasses the difficult work of convincing our neighbors. Sticking to the rules of the game is more important than any single individual right. If we allow the federal government to break its own boundaries to do “good,” we give it the power to break those same boundaries to do “evil” later. This is the inherent risk of a “living” Constitution that expands on the moral whims of the era rather than the literal text. The Constitution has hardly changed since the Supreme Court struck down state child labor protection laws, prohibited women from working as lawyers, and upheld forced sterilization of people deemed mentally unfit. We’ve made progress, but in many cases we haven’t locked it in. Yeah, Roe v. Wade protected women’s right to abortion, for a time. But how flimsy was that protection, and at what cost? Many individual civil liberties taken for granted in the last 50 years are now at risk of being pulled out from under us, because we cut corners on the democratic process last century.
Democracy is a process, not a specific set of outcomes. By returning this issue to the states, the Supreme Court has effectively told the American people that they must do the heavy lifting of persuasion themselves. The Supreme Court ripped off a bandaid and exposed a deeper wound. If we believe that a right to abortion is necessary for a modern society, we should not ask nine unelected judges to find it in a 230-year-old document; we should demand our neighbors vote for it. For the sake of the Union’s long-term stability, the constitutional process must come first, even when the human cost is tragically high. To do otherwise is to trade the bedrock of our Republic for a temporary policy victory, a trade that history suggests we will eventually regret when the pendulum of power inevitably swings back.
~Max