(Sent to me via email)
Dear JillGat:
I’m not a registered member of “The Straight Dope,” but a grad student in
the course on “Style and Language Ideology” which I’m coordinating this
quarter sent us a copy of the query about a HUD document in Creole and
Cecil’s reply. In reponse to this, I sent the class a long comment with
my own thoughts on the issue, which I’ve edited slightly to pass on to you
now, for possible inclusion in your “Comments on Cecil’s Columns” forum.
Apologies for the length. I hope you can still include it.
John R.
– I think the issues are more complex than the story suggests.
(1) It’s not clear that this IS a form of “mock creole,” parallel to
Hill’s “Junk Spanish” (Pragmatics 5.2:197-212) or Ronkin and Karn’s “Mock
Ebonics” (J. of Sociolinguistics 3.3:360-380). To begin with, there are
authentic linguistic elements, not only the ones Mufwene refers to, but
also the grammatical continuative marker “ah,” found in Jamaican, Guyanese
and other varieties, as in “HUD ah provide” (=HUD is providing). If
someone is pulling a prank, it is someone with more “insider” knowledge
than those who created the internet Ebonics sites or the translation
filters that they utilize.
(2) One of the features that makes this sample look suspect is its
inconsistent and non-phonemic orthography. Contrary to “Cecil’s” reply,
there is a widely accepted phonemic spelling system for English-based
creoles–the one developed by Frederic Cassidy in Jamaica Talk in the
1960s, and subsequently adapted for other Caribbean varieties (Guyanese,
Barbadian, Trinidadian, and so on) in many publications since. University
of the West Indies linguist Hubert Devonish has for years been advocating
that a standardized version of the Cassidy orthography be used throughout
the Anglophone Caribbean to increase the amount of public writing in
Creole (see his 1986 book, Language and Liberation: Creole Language
Politics in the Caribbean). At the same time, we should not assume that a
consistent phonemic orthography is what non-linguists like best and
understand most easily. On the contrary, “lay” readers sometimes find
phonemic spellings (e.g. /kou/ for “cow”) too far removed from the regular
spellings they’re accustomed to, and they like the slightly modified
versions of the latter that they encounter in novels and the like. In
this respect, whoever wrote the HUD document might not have been
completely off the mark.
(3) To assume that Creole and other “vernacular” varieties that are
primarily spoken CANNOT or SHOULD not ever be written–as Cecil’s reply
seems to suggest–is to foreclose the possibilities of change and to
kowtow to the strictures of the “standard language ideology” that Rosina
Lippi-Green writes about in English with an Accent (1997), denying full
access, understanding and enjoyment to those who do not command the
legitimated variety. If similar strictures had been accepted in the
history of English, writing and formal discourse in England (and its
“Empire” around the globe) would still be conducted only in French (or
Latin). If similar strictures had been accepted more recently in Haiti,
the use of Haitian Creole in schools and in writing would never have
occurred.
(4) So far as English-based Creoles and dialects are concerned, a number
of innovators have, for the past several decades, been flaunting
convention and producing written works in the vernacular. Not
unexpectedly, this has sometimes led to controversy, but this new
creole/dialect writing has also won praise for the increased clarity,
vitality and authenticity it has yielded. Examples come primarily from
literary genres (poetry, short stories, novels, plays), but also from
bible translations, and school texts (remarkably effective in boosting
reading scores to the extent that their experimental use has been
allowed). Two American examples that my Russell Rickford and I cite in our
forthcoming book (Spoken Soul) are P.K. McCrary’s translation of bible
passages into African American Vernacular, and the American Bible
Society’s translation of the Book of Luke into Gullah or South
Carolina/Georgia Sea Island Creole (De Gud News Bout Jedus Wa Luke
Write). Rev. Ervin Greene, an African American pastor on St. Helena
Island who assisted with the Gullah translation, said that an old Gullah
speaker thanked him effusively for it, saying “Rev, fuh de firs’ time–God
talk to me de way I talk!” Prize-winning poets and writers from the
Caribbean, African America and Hawaii have drawn not only on mainstream
English, but also on their English creoles and dialects in their work.
The list includes Nobel Prize Winners Derek Walcott (St Lucia) and Toni
Morrison (USA) and Pulitzer and Tony Prize winner August Wilson (USA).
(5) It is striking–and evidence of the force of the dominant language
ideology faced by vernacular-writers and users that HUD’s English creole
version was withdrawn after a single complaint was filed. It is even more
striking, that the Haitian Creole version was ALSO withdrawn even though
no complaint was directed at that version and even though there is an
established tradition of writing, reading and teaching in Haitian Creole.
This is a pattern that has occurred repeatedly in the Caribbean and the US
at least since the 1950s, and it has the effect of preserving and
protecting the status quo, and stymieing efforts to enfranchise and
include the masses in policy-making, communication, education and the
arts. What if we took another approach, and upheld innovations in the
vernacular when a single commendation is received, like the one from the
Gullah speaker who was delighted that in De Good News Bout Jedus Christ
Wa Luke Write God spoke to her for the first time, in her language?
Even though it was written in a different creole than the one I speak
natively (Guyanese Creole), the first time I read a translation of a
portion of the bible into West African Pidgin English (similar to Guyanese
Creole in a number of respects), I understood it with a clarity and
immediacy than I never had before, despite my fluency in mainstream or
standard English.
(6) In sum, the HUD translation may not have been a hoax, but an attempt
to convey whatever HUD intended to convey with a clarity and forcefulness
that speakers of English-based creoles (quite numerous in New York, LA,
Miami, Toronto, and elsewhere in North America) might well get most
readily in their own vernacular. Its effectiveness as a translation is
open to evaluation (as any translation might be), but let’s not jump to
the conclusion that ANY translation of a HUD document, or ANY use of
creole for serious expository or expressive writing is out of the
question. Several successful examples already exist.
–John R. Rickford, Professor of Linguistics, Stanford University