Right, I finally have time to answer this properly, and I actually have some statistics from the Home Office to back up my statements! It hasn’t been easy digging this stuff up. First of all, all figures used here come from the following publication:
Crime in England and Wales 2001/2002: Supplementary Volume from the UK Office of National Statistics, which can be perused at your convenience by clicking here:
http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs2/hosb103.pdf
Now, to put things into context, in 1986 a deranged git called George Hamilton went running around Hungerford with a load of weaponry shooting people. This was followed up by the 1986 Firearms Act which essentially made firearms acquisition a bit of a bummer, introducing a huge raft of (in my opinion) unnecessary restrictions on the vast majority of responsible gun-owners, together with the odd sensible one. In 1995 this chap in Dunblane took out a couple of semi-auto pistols and went on a similar rampage in a primary school. As is pretty standard in this sort of case, he blew his head off before he could be arrested. This was followed by another firearms act which banned the private ownership of all centrefire pistols (handguns if you’re American, or if you work in the Home Office now, it would seem). Then El Caudillo Blair piped up and he finished the job off by banning .22 rimfire pistols too.
Now obviously this has all been done to protect the public from homicidal maniacs, and it seems to make sense, right? Less guns = fewer people getting shot. That’s my bit, now over to the Home Office.
I draw your attention to Table 2a on page 34 of this document, which I have just tried to paste into here but made a mess of it, so I’ll quote some figures instead.
Total number of crimes involving a firearm 1997/98 (first year of the pistol ban): 4,903
Total number of crimes involving a firearm 2001/02: 9,974
More detail now. Of these:
Violence against the person 1997/98: 1,463
Violence against the person 2001/02: 3,444
I could quote more, but they all tell the same story. Now we get into the part about the effectiveness of legislation to restrict the legal ownership of firearms, and I’m going to focus on pistols here.
58% of all crimes involving a firearm were committed using a pistol. So that’s the vast majority of all crimes being committed with a type of weapon that cannot be owned legally at all.
Now I realise that this is just a snapshot, and that we could go on and on about methodology, and increase in the level of crime reporting and so on, but I’m going to jump to some conclusions:
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Criminals have a tendency to not give a monkey’s about current firearms legislation. They’re just not that sort of people.
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Banning handguns has had no effect whatsoever on the rising levels of firearms-related crime.
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Over 50,000 people can no longer practice their sport for no discernible benefit to anyone.
Admittedly it is possible that one of these 50,000 guys was a nutter who would have gone off the rails and shot some kids in a school. I’m afraid that if you give people a freedom, there will always be someone who will abuse it. So it all comes down to this: is it justifiable to deprive 50,000 people of their right to pursue a harmless passtime for no demonstrable benefit (apart from the fact that undoubtebly most people in the UK believe that this approach works, but then they probably haven’t had a copy of this report posted to them)? And as terrible as it may seem, the Dunblane and Hungerford massacres were abberrant events, and not a part of the general trenc of gun-violence that we are seeing here.
Of course there’s also the fact that if the existing laws had been applied, neither of these two massacres would have occurred, and this was brought up at the subsequent enquiries, but with the public baying for blood, and the culprits having escaped human justice, our politicians didn’t have the guts to essentially say “Sorry, we fucked up, we’ll try not to do it again”.
So MrNick, I hope that answers some of your questions. I’d just like to say that I am of the opinion that it’s not up to people to demonstrate why they should be allowed to do something, it’s up to whoever wishes to prevent them to justify why they should be deprived of a freedom. And it had better be a damned good reason.