For a more realistic picture of the strength of the Taliban, recognize that its #2 leader had kept Mullah Omar’s death secret for over two years, and was trying to negotiate a peace with the Kabul government. When it was found out Omar was dead, his position as the de facto leader was unmasked, and he feared for his position so he had to back out of peace negotiations and start fighting again. If you’re in a position of power you don’t try to negotiate peace, under the facade it is what the (years dead) leader wants. Nor do you react so desperately to save yourself when it is found you’ve been keeping his death secret for two years.
Islamic State is very different from the Taliban because Iraq and Syria are very different than Afghanistan. Iraq has a huge Sunni population that prior to Saddam’s fall were used to running the country, and they have largely always felt disenchanted with the Shiite lead post-U.S. occupation government. While some of the Sunni tribes haven’t wanted to join ISIS, the Shiite Iraqi Army doesn’t care to protect them and these tribes aren’t super willing to fight ISIS themselves because many young Sunnis are joining enthusiastically and they specifically target for extreme massacres any of the Sunni tribes that drag their feet on paying tribute to ISIS.
Afghanistan is not very divided in a religious sense, over 90% of the population are Sunni Muslim. It is very ethnically divided, the Pashtun are the largest ethnic group at around 40% of the population. Despite its long attempts to broaden its appeal as a general Islamist group, the overwhelming majority of the Taliban has always been made up of Pashtun tribesmen. The 60% of the country that is not Pashtun has largely never joined the Taliban in any meaningful way. So even if the Taliban had 100% support among the Pashtun, it’d be a scenario similar to Saddam era Iraq where a group that only represents about 40% of the country dominates the other 60%. That’s difficult to set up without significant outside help (that’s what it took to create these minority-rule states in the Middle East), but maybe not impossible if things are destabilized enough that large numbers of the various warlords sign on like they did during the civil war.
However, right now the President of Afghanistan is also a Pashtun, and the tribe he is from have long fought against the Taliban in this current war. There are many Pashtun tribes like this–they basically are never going to join the Taliban. With the Pashtun people so fractured with some of the tribes die hard anti-Taliban, I do not see a scenario where the Taliban ever has significant popular support to take over. Especially since the Afghan Army is legitimately far better armed and cohesive and stable than the Iraqi Army. That isn’t saying much, the Iraqi Army is barely an army at all, but it is what it is. The Afghan Army is fighting against a group they hate to protect their country, they have as much resolve as any insurgent group. This is a stark contrast to the Iraqi Army which largely is being asked to fight to protect people they hate and would probably like to be killing.
Abdullah Abdullah who received 30% of the vote and is enough of a political power that Ghani has had to enter into a power-sharing arrangement with him is of mixed ethnic background but identifies as a Tajik. The Tajiks are almost 30% of the country–and they will never join the Taliban or submit to them as long as they have bullets to shoot at them. That’s a permanent ethnic bloc that, unless we and the international community just 100% stopped supporting them, would never stop fighting. Again, the Taliban’s efforts against them would be similar to our efforts to “stamp out” anti-American sentiment in Vietnam during the war. That didn’t work so well, did it?
The Taliban were able to take over Afghanistan for two major reasons:
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Afghanistan was extremely fractured, with most of the country being ran tribally, the post-Soviet central government was a complete farce and most of t he country was lawless. Large areas of the country were held by local warlords who usually had the support of local tribes. Many places when the Taliban came to town local leaders immediately joined with no resistance whatsoever, because they had no meaningful allegiance to anyone.
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The Taliban’s earliest large numbers came from madrassas in Pakistan. The Taliban was actively supported by Pakistan’s ISI, at its height there were over 100,000 Pakistani Taliban in Afghanistan fighting to help them take control. There was a continually funnel of manpower from Pakistani madrassas to the Afghan Taliban, facilitated by ISI.
However this is not really the case any longer. During the long American war in Afghanistan, Pakistan eventually stopped supporting the Taliban in this way. They did continue to turn a blind eye to them. Further, not only is ISI no longer actively funneling men and resources to the Taliban, the recent Peshawar school massacre perpetuated by the Pakistani Taliban, (which is a different group entirely but that has occasionally assisted the Afghan Taliban) actually has Islamabad forces out in the tribal regions of Pakistan in large force for the first time really in ages. Pakistan’s default position to these lawless regions on its border that have little economic value and lots of terrorists has been to either ignore them or exploit the terrorist groups for their own geopolitical goals. With the massacre of the school children this position fundamentally changed, and now Pakistan has been engaged in sustained military activities targeted against terrorist groups on the border. So not only are the Taliban no longer receiving constant replenishment of men and materiel from ISI as they did during the Afghan civil war, the people across the border that might have been friendly to their goals and willing to cross over to fight with them are fighting their own war of survival now and are not going to run across the border to fight when they have a war to fight in their own back yard.