Well, I have answers to some of your questions, and to the extent that those answers cut against the conclusions you’ve drawn, I think I disagree – more accurate, I guess, would be to ask you if hearing the following information causes you to revise anything you wrote.
You say:
1. It was not systematically collected.
How can you say this? In fiscal 2009-2010, 153 reported crimes with guns occurred in Virginia bars and restaurants – 'crimes" being all murders, non-negligent manslaughters, aggravated assaults, forcible sex crimes and robberies in more than two dozen categories, including “bars/nightclubs” and “restaurants.”
In fiscal 2010-2011, there were a total of 145 reported crimes with guns under the precise same categories.
These results were drawn directly from the Virginia State Police reports, and spot-checked by direct contact more than a dozen police departments in Virginia for more detailed information on all reported crimes involving firearms at those businesses.
It pertains to “gun crimes” which is not the same as gun violence.
I suppose that’s true, but the categories were the same for both years. What sorts of “gun violence” are you picturing that doesn’t get reported as a gun crime?
You (or those making similar hay out of these numbers) can only presume or surmise regarding the key mechanism. That is, I’m interested in whether the presence of a greater number of firearms is associated with a greater number of incidents of firearm violence. Can you tell me the change between the two years in the number of firearms present?
Present in the bars? Not with any specificity. But it’s hard to imagine how the change in the law would have made the number go down, isn’t it? And why must I be allocated that burden? I favored the change in the law, claiming that gun crime would not increase. The law’s opponents were the ones claiming a change would occur.
Or did you mean guns present in the state of Virginia? Gun sales in Virgina rose 16 percent from 2010 to 2011.
4. There’s insufficient context for the two numbers you have.
a. Temporally, how do these numbers compare to the prior years? (You’ve made a claim that the numbers have remained low; what are they, and how were they reported before the following reporting year has even concluded?)
Answered above. Did you read the linked newspaper article that explained this in some detail?
*Proximally, how do the numbers compare to other states? For instance, violent crimes have broadly trended downward in the US as a whole over this period. What if the policy in Virginia had the impact of increasing gun crimes in bars, while at the same time, broader factors were working to reduce gun crimes in Virginia bars. What was the rate of gun crimes in bars in Pennsylvania, Maryland, North Carolina, etc during this same time period? What if the 8 case drop (5% of the total) you have pointed out compared to a 10% or 20% drop in other bars in other regions? Would you still feel it was compelling evidence that the Virginia law was not associated with a higher rate of gun crimes?
*
That’s not a bad question, but it allocates the burden of proof to me. Why? I was the one predicting no change; my opponents predicted an increase. I can show there was no increase – if they wish to claim that there was an increase masked by broader reasons, shouldn’t the burden be on them to substantiate those reasons?