[QUOTE=Bricker]
May I assume, from the lack of further posts, that everyone now understands that the Eighth Amendment does not apply outside the context of post-conviction sanctions?
[/QUOTE]
Or that some of us are busier than others and don’t have the amount of time to reply we wish we had 
Given that, forgive my brevity but I found your response lacking on a few fronts.
By continuing to use the term punishment in your posts invoking the Fifth and Fourteenth, you failed to directly address the umbrage people have taken with Scalia’s claim, that torture isn’t punishment. Dividing between pre- and post-due-process infliction of punishment may speak to the timing of the application, but stands in disagreement with Scalia’s statement. He didn’t say, “it’s not punishment as far as the Eighth Amendment is concerned…” Rather, he said something quite clearly, and quite explicitly different. To rescue him with the timing argument suggests an intent and meaning to his words that may or may not be there, and exposes the weaknesses in the originalist/literalist/strict constructionist philosophy that the initial timing argument is based on. In other words, you can disagree with Scalia, or you can invent arguments and thoughts that you believe he would have made. No matter how well researched, rational, or persuasive they are, you would still be using interpretive and assumptive arguments to bolster a literalist view of Constitutional law. (It’s been too long since I was immersed in legal philosophy so I may have my terms wrong. Please don’t drag this into a semantical sideshow over whether prescriptive or originalist would have been the correct term.)
You also failed to directly address the hypothetical. Waiving your hand and claiming that something is “not reasonably related to a legitimate governmental objective,” changes the hypothetical. This is especially apparent in its setup, which deliberately referenced a careful review of law and included the law’s purpose in an attempt to avoid such irrelevant arguments. Even still, it again highlights the weaknesses inherent in resting upon textual interpretation of the Constitution by finding protections that are not literally present.
You also didn’t address where you’re finding a line between permissible and impermissible treatments (i.e., a chilly cell v. balls in a vice). While the Eighth has the C&U phrase, there is no such thing in the 5/14th. Nor how torturing someone for other purposes (again, torturing A to get secreted physical evidence against B, or just torturing A to get B to come in from hiding) is or is not constitutional.
Exception was taken to the notion that there is no constitutional protection from torture. You’ve come close to agreeing with this sentiment, especially here (and other threads) where you refer to the limits of the Constitution. But defending Scalia by ignoring his words (“[E]verything that is hateful and odious is not covered by some provision of the Constitution," and “you don’t say he’s punishing you”) and saying it is punishment after all and it is protected by the constitution (albeit not protected by the 8th), suggests the opposite.
In short, it seems like you’re disagreeing with Scalia, and arguing that the Constitution should be interpreted as a living and adaptable document.