The grim veeper
Excerpts from Al Gore: A User’s Manual.
By Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair
IN THEIR SCATHING review of Al Gore, Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair Ð publishers of the twice-monthly muckraking newsletter CounterPunch Ð provide a compelling guide to the vice president’s history of conservatism and deceit. Below are excerpts from the book, which spans Gore’s steady rise from a silver-spoon childhood as son of a powerful pro-New Deal senator to prominence as a conservative New Democrat.
Midgetman
Looking back through the 1980s, one finds that on every issue, whether it was supporting the contras (of which more later), shilling for the Pentagon’s latest weapon systems, backing the Reagan-Bush position on NATO deployments in Europe, Gore’s hawkishness was unflagging…
In his first Senate term Gore supported both the B-1 and B-2 bombers, and the development of nuclear-powered aircraft carriers which were opposed by most Democrats. He backed the 1986 bombing of Libya, although he said it probably wouldn’t be enough to stop the Libyans’ export of terrorism. In that same year Gore voted against an amendment to the defense appropriations bill that would have prohibited the production of nerve gas. He argued that such a ban would create a nerve gas gap, encouraging the Soviet Union to step up its own gas production. He then voted to fund the development of a new nerve gas missile called Big Eye. He justified that vote by saying that the new technology would actually result in a safer bomb than the old material in the arsenal. Gore held one of the decisive votes here, bringing the tally to 49-49. Vice President Bush cast the tie-breaker, then shame-facedly asked Reagan to call his mother, Dorothy, in Hobe Sound to explain why her son had felt it necessary to vote in favor of this terrifying weapon.
At the start of his second Senate term, in 1991, Gore voted for the Pentagon on three hotly contested measures to cut back on various outrageous military boondoggles. The first was a budget amendment offered by Senator Paul Simon of Illinois to cut military spending by 2 percent in the fiscal 1992. Next, Gore denounced as imprudent a measure offered by Senator Tom Harkin of Iowa to transfer $3.1 billion from the military budget to Head Start and other domestic programs. Finally, he voted against a resolution put up by Senator Bill Bradley calling for the Pentagon to develop a plan on how it would achieve an $80 billion reduction in the military budget over the next five years.
It should be recalled that these were the years in which the Soviet threat had imploded; in which, for the first time since 1945, political grandstanding on the Communist threat no longer was fungible currency. Many Democrats were talking about a peace dividend. Not Gore. Never for a moment did he abandon servility to Pentagon programs, earning his campaign treasury handsome subventions from arms manufactures such as Lockheed. Nor did it lessen his zeal to detect new threats to the national security of either the United States or Israel, whose interests he has always regarded as identical…
Gore was also one of the few Democrats to favor the reflagging of Kuwaiti oil tankers, making them US registered so that any threat against them by Iran would be taken as a gauntlet thrown at the feet of Uncle Sam. Reflagging also led to deployment of US Navy ships in the Persian Gulf, eventually becoming the largest naval armada since World War II…
The green game
The first environmental promise Al Gore made in the 1992 campaign, he soon shattered. It involved the WTI hazardous waste incinerator in East Liverpool, Ohio, built on a floodplain near the Ohio River. The plant, one of the largest of its kind in the world, was scheduled to burn 70,000 tons of hazardous waste a year in a spot only 350 feet from the nearest house. A few hundred yards away is East Elementary School, which sits on a ridge nearly eye-level with the top of the smokestack.
On July 19, 1992, Gore gave one of his first campaign speeches on the environment, across the river from the incinerator, in Weirton, West Virginia, hammering the Bush Administration for its plans to give the toxic waste burner a federal air permit. “The very idea is just unbelievable to me,” Gore said. “I’ll tell you this, a Clinton-Gore Administration is going to give you an environmental presidency to deal with these problems. We’ll be on your side for a change.” …
Shortly after the election, Gore assured the neighbors of the incinerator that he hadn’t forgotten about them. “Serious questions concerning the safety of the East Liverpool, Ohio, hazardous waste incinerator must be answered before the plant may begin operation,” Gore wrote. “The new Clinton/Gore administration will not issue the plant a test burn permit until all questions concerning compliance with the plant have been answered.”
But that never happened. Instead, the EPA quietly granted the WTI facility its test burn permit. The tests failed, twice. In one trial burn, the incinerator eradicated only 7 percent of the mercury found in the waste, when it was supposed to burn away 99.9 percent. A few weeks later the EPA granted WTI a commercial permit anyway. They didn’t tell the public about the failed tests until afterward.
Gore claimed his hands were tied by the Bush Administration, which had promised WTI the permit only a few weeks before the Clinton team took office. But by one account, William Reilly, Bush’s EPA director, met with Gore’s top environmental aide Katie McGinty in January 1993 and asked her if he should begin the process of approving the permit. In this version of events apparently McGinty told Reilly to proceed. McGinty said later that she had no recollection of the meeting.
Gore persisted in maintaining that there was nothing he could do about it once the permit was granted. A 1994 report on the matter from the General Accounting Office flatly contradicted him, saying the plant could be shut down on numerous grounds, including repeated violations of its permit…
The decision to go soft on WTI may have had something to do with its powerful financial backer. The construction of the incinerator was partially underwritten by Jackson Stephens, the Arkansas investment king who helped bankroll the Clinton-Gore campaign. According to EPA whistleblower Hugh Kaufman, during the period when the WTI financing package was being put together Stephens Inc. was represented by Webb Hubbell, who later came into Clinton’s Justice Department and was indicted during the Whitewater investigation, and the Rose law firm, to which Hillary Clinton belonged. Over the ensuing seven years, the WTI plant has burned nearly a half-million tons of toxic waste, 5,000 truckloads of toxic material every year, spewing chemicals such as mercury, lead and dioxin out of its stacks and onto the surrounding neighborhoods. The inevitable illnesses have followed…