The Debt Crisis Thread

The ones who voted for the Tea Party, silly. :wink:

It’s not so much about absolute numbers. It’s about the squeaky wheel. The Tea Party members who voted to elect that member of Congress to represent their views are AFAIK more vocal, willing to write letters & emails, etc.; hence, the their visibility as constituents is much higher than say the defenders of the El Segundo Blue Butterfly. And in 2010, they were especially corrosive.

Understand I’m speaking short-term here. If the economy tanks, and unemployment shoots up, the big problem I see is not so much shooting the the Tea Party in the barrel at the polls, but whether the Democrats have guts to even load the gun. Which is why I can’t say that even with a vote for economic suicide, the Tea Party isn’t going to skedaddle on off into the sunset.

Can’t believe no one’s commented on Hellestal’s awesome post in #357.

Considering it implies that the debt limit doesn’t exist, it is a highly impassioned but factually empty post.

Well, considering that the debt limit has been increased 100 times in about 70 years without anything bigger than an immaterial “protest” vote by the party out of power, I would have to agree that the debt limit for all intents and purposes didn’t actually exist until this terrorist manufactured crisis.

That said, Hellestal succinctly blows up most of Sam’s rant. You want to handwave it all away because you think the debt limit really means something this time, well go ahead.

Quite an impressive and spot on post from **Hellestal **overall. Kudos

:frowning: Hmm…I really need to work on my grammar.

Because we are becoming a joke while threatening the financial well being of the world. The baggers only suggest programs that will hurt the small people. We know who they work for. We know who funds them.
Obama has done a terrible job of explaining the problem, or suggesting what should be done. He may be working for the same people because he does not appear to work for the rest of us. He has had plenty of opportunities to throw down the gauntlet, but does not, in every incident.

Really? Terrorism is universally defined as using some form of violence or threat of violence in order to terrorize a population into acceding to political demands. Just what physical violence is being threatened here? Are the Republicans going to blow up buildings? Maybe start shooting into a crowd?

Seriously, the use of the word ‘terrorism’ to define a political debate or even a threat to withhold a vote on a spending bill unless some conditions are met is simply ridiculous.

You’re not causing tears - you’re just using an inaccurate term in an attempt to demonize your opposition. What should you call it? Gee, I guess you could call it ‘politics’, or hell I’d even let you get away with ‘extortion’ if you want, although again that is a term generally reserved for illegal acts. Really, it’s just hardball politics.

Then it’s not a bomb, is it? So if I ask for a raise and threaten to quit if I don’t get it, is that terrorism? If I quit, our development schedule will slip, and it will cost the company money. So it’s a ‘bomb’ - just one measured in days of development time and added paperwork and money being lost. Does that sound like a reasonable definition to you? Don’t you think that uses like this kind of cheapen the term? Don’t you think the victims of actual terrorism might have a problem with your use of the term to describe a political gambit you don’t like?

I can’t believe you’re defending the use of that term like this. It’s ridiculous.

A tortured metaphor?

You seem to be unclear on the concept of coercion as well.

Both of those would be at least within sighting distance of reality.

Except that you just changed them by using the word ‘terrorism’ to describe a political negotiation.

Not to mention redundancy.

I’m sorry - do you have some information regarding the original intent of the debt ceiling that you’d like to share with us? Merely gainsaying everything your opponent says is not an argument.

Really? This is what I said:

Now allow me to quote from The Congressional Research Service:

So are they engaging in fantasy as well? The first debt ceiling was put in place when Congress ceded the authority to raise debt to the Treasury under the Liberty Bond Act of 1917, and the explicit purpose of it was to force the Treasury to come to the Congress for approval if it went over its statutory debt limit, so that Congress could debate it and the voice of the people could be heard.

If you’d like to provide historical evidence for why this interpretation is a ‘fantasy’, I’d be happy to hear it.

I do know that in the modern era, both parties have routinely ‘held the country hostage’ when the debt ceiling had to be raised. In fact, in 2002-2003 - about the same point in Bush’s first term as Obama is now, the debt ceiling became a ‘crisis’ because Congress couldn’t agree on it, and the Treasury even had to resort to accounting tricks as they had to this time to avoid defaulting on the debt. Bush had to go to Congress three times in about six months to get debt ceiling raises because the Congress kept giving him only small ceiling increases.

In 2005, the Treasury Secretary had to send multiple warning letters to Congress stating that the treasury would be ‘out of options’ to avoid a default by mid-March of that year, and the Congress let him twist until exactly March 15, when they finally passed a ceiling increase.

And of course, the Democrats demagogued the debt ceiling increase in 2008 as well, including Obama’s famous ‘no’ vote on raising the debt ceiling, saying that the fact that it was requested was a ‘failure of leadership’.

Why would you throw in a gratuitous cheap shot at gonzomax? That was out of line.

That’s all well and good, but then it’s up to you to show that I’m ignorant - you don’t get to just state it. Show me where I’m wrong about the origin of the debt ceiling, since my description of it seems to have put a serious bug up your ass. You must be an expert on the subject, so let’s hear it.

No, actually the law isn’t ambiguous at all. It’s actually very clearly called out. You can make the case that it conflicts with the constitution, but that’s for the Supreme Court to determine if someone wants to challenge the debt ceiling in court. But the debt ceiling law itself seems clear enough that Congress or the Treasury hasn’t been able to work around it since it was instituted, even though the debates over it have been highly partisan and at times very difficult for the treasury.

You do know that both parties are guilty of this, right? I very clearly remember the Democrats holding debt-ceiling increases hostage to extract partisan concessions from Bush.

I never said it was. The debt ceiling debate is not a case of executive overreach (unless of course Obama tries to invoke the 14th Amendment to get around it)

I suggest you go back and look at the debates around the debt ceiling in 2002 and 2005.

in fact, allow me to quote from the CRS document:

You know, that’s pretty much exactly the set of steps that have occurred so far this time.

In fact, that debt ceiling debate continued until June of the next year, with the Treasury twice having to take extraordinary action to avoid default. Then it ran out of options:

Bolding mine. For someone who is so sure that I’m inventing fantasies, you don’t seem to actually know much about this.

So what did Congress do about this?

The parallels are almost eery, aren’t they? The Treasury was panicking, there was a ‘crisis’, a default was looming, and in the end the House and Senate couldn’t agree and the Senate passed a bill that provided a very short-term limit and kicked the issue into 2003.

When it came up again in 2003, the Senate again ‘held the economy hostage’ and forced the Treasury to take extroardinary measures to avoid default, and then didn’t pass a debt ceiling increase until no less than 8 different amendments had been vetoed and the country was right on the verge of default.

For extra credit, try and guess who was in control of the recalcitrant Senate from 2001 to 2003? I’ll give you a hint: It doesn’t start with ‘R’.

I guess if you don’t include the debt ceiling ‘crises’ of 2002, 2003, 2005, and 2008…

Oh, I’ve got plenty of skin in the game, both as a citizen of the U.S.'s biggest trading partner and employee of a U.S. corporation, and as a private investor.

Hey, let him try, and let the Supreme Court decide what’s legal and what’s not. Of course, if they decide it’s not legal that would open up Obama to impeachment proceedings, so I’m guessing he won’t go there.

Why don’t you hold your umbrage for things that I actually do and say, rather than attacking me for things you predict I’ll say in the future?

I’m curious how you came to this conclusion, because Hellestal didn’t state a single factual thing in that post. He basically just called me names, took a cheap shot at gonzomax, but didn’t provide any cites or information to back up his snotty attack.

It is not terrorism, which despite the etymology is usually the threat of violence rather than terror alone. Fearmongering, on the other hand, seems to me to fit nicely.

Sam, you’re simply mistaken about the term terrorism.

Terrorism is, according to Merriam-Webster, is “the systemic use of terror, especially as a means of coercion.” Dictionary.com even includes the motivation of “political purposes,” and lists as the third definition, “a terroristic method of governing…” Does cyber-terrorism have a physical bomb? No, but it’s threatening and potentially destructive nonetheless. It’s terrorism.

The Republicans are creating a sense of terror, fear and uncertainity in order to get the Democrats to do what they want. If the economy goes tits up as a result of the US defaulting and having credit ratings lowered, that will be an example of havoc and destruction on our economy coming as a result of the Republicans wrapping budget negotiations around the debt limit increase. Economic terrorism. Do what we say, Mr. President, or you’ll see what happens when the US defaults on its debt.

Your idea that terrorism is “universally defined as using some form of violence or threat of violence” is simply wrong.

It would be ridiculous if it *were *just a debate, or if the consequences of withholding a vote didn’t mean the United States defaults on its debt for the first time in history, at a time when the economy is still shaky from the worst economic downturn in 75 years. As it is, if an outside group were threatening something this destructive to our nation, we’d call them terrorists.

But I will give you that, while I found the spirit of Hellestal’s post inspiring, I found it to be a bit lacking in cites myself.

So Terrorism is any time politicians hold up legislation in demand for concessions in a way that could have serious consequences for the nation? If so, is threatening to veto an appropriations bill for the defense budget terrorism? Was it terrorism when the Democrats demagogued the debt ceiling in 2001 through 2003, on multiple occasions?

Seriously, the use of the term ‘terrorism’ to describe political manoeverings is just way over the top.

I didn’t call you a single name, Sam Stone, except your name.

You posted errors. You manufactured justifications out of thin air. You ignored every substantive point that people have been throwing at you in favor of irrelevancies and outright falsities. Naturally, the person who points out the errors to you must become the bad guy in your world. It’s easier to ignore information than confront it. And yes, there were facts in my post. Not cited (see below), but they were there.

Ignoring them does not make them disappear.

Fair point. My original post was directed to Sam Stone, who should know as well as anyone I’m good for a cite or ten. But if he’s choosing to feel “snotty” or whatever the hell that post was about, I should still go through the background for others.

The debt limit was instituted during World War I. The best recent history of it comes from James Surowiecki at the New Yorker. His article by itself makes the point that the debt ceiling was intended to make the executive accountable, not Congress, as was fabricated so readily to support the previous fantasy argument. But the article doesn’t get into the underlying reasoning for that, which is perhaps relevant.

There’s actually an interesting story here about debt, one well worth telling. For the British details, you can read Glyn Davies’ classic A History of Money, which is a bit dry for lay readers but remains the best, most comprehensive book on financial development that I know.

The creation of a “national debt” wasn’t just a landmark in the history of finance. It represented one of the last nails in the coffin of unchecked executive power, the original case being the power of the King of England. The English mint was the Royal Mint. Parliament managed to establish its power over taxation, but back when money meant metal, the ability of the monarch to take his cut of seignorage at the mint itself was one last bastion of royal taxation that Parliament had no control over. Charlie One actually managed to finance his own Papist transgressions out of minted Spanish silver, with no need to call on Parliament at all for funding. This got tiresome for the people, and they eventually chopped his head off. Royal and Parliamentary power struggles were give-and-take for a while. They needed a new solution, a better way than a headsman’s axe to keep the king in line.

After a while, they came up with the idea of a national debt. Instead of an unreliable monarchy borrowing money on its own name and then defaulting, money could be borrowed on the credit of Parliament taxation itself, which is to say, on the credit of the whole country instead of one rich household. They did this through the creation of the new institution, the Bank of England. The idea was a smashing success. In addition, this put the power of the purse (this time debt financing, in addition to taxation) permanently in the hands of elected officials. Or rather, what passed for elected officials at the time. Pieces of metal, and the Royal Mint, took the back seat. Seignorage was no longer a viable option for the king to bypass Commons and Lords. The final financial leash was put on the king.

This isn’t a digression. The point was that the national debt was a legislative matter from the very moment it was invented. The king had his own discretion only after the money was raised. After he was given the money, he could by and large do what he wanted with it. There were no government watchdog groups at the time. The punishment for royal prodigality was a future Parliament that wouldn’t cough up any more cash.

The US system was specifically designed to have a similar financial check on the executive. Congress had the power of the purse, and intentionally so. That fact can be confirmed in the ole US Constitution.

Nowadays, we think of Treasury when we think of government debt. We even call them Treasuries. But originally, all sales of bonds had to be approved by Congress. And by that, I mean all frickin bonds. The size of the debt offering, the term, the kind of paper used, and just about everything else was determined by Congress. Power of the purse meant total power over both taxation and the debt. The American executive, based entirely on the British precedent, was fully in hock to Congress, by design. Treasury was completely dependent on Congressional funding, beginning to end. The representatives of the people would raise the money, and the executive would spend the money. And again, the executive had some bit of leeway after the funds were given over. It took a while to build up the bureaucratic structure necessary to oversee all those funds. The lack of oversight was how administrations like Harding’s managed to be so corrupt.

The debt situation changed when World War I happened.

Congress still didn’t have the bureaucratic oversight structure to manage the executive’s funds. But need for funding was intense for the war, and they had no idea how much would be necessary for the fighting. So they allowed Treasury to issue debt itself, delegating their own authority for the first time. This was a big deal! They still wanted a leash on the executive, see? Hence the debt limit, started during the war. The limit was, from the very beginning, an attempt to keep the executive in place. Like the old kings, the executive could both raise funding and spend it on its own discretion, and Congress wanted some sort of cap on that power. This is not a “question that answers itself”. There’s a long history here.

The US government got bigger. The debt limit was increased time and again. This story lasted until the 1970s, when Congress (finally!) started creating comprehensive budgets (again, see Surowiecki). The previous period of executive discretion in the budgeting process disappeared. Today funds are appropriated exactly as Congress says, with none of the royal prerogative left at all in our system. (Bureaucratic prerogative is another story…)

And that was the moment, with the implementation of the comprehensive budget, that the debt ceiling became a dinosaur. It was no longer necessary. Congress took back the power of the purse quite forcefully, by outlining in detail (as they had not done before) what the executive was allowed to spend money on. It all become itemized quite prettily. However, they kept the anachronistic debt limit. Bureaucratic minds are often loath to part with the past. There was no deeper reason than that. Even so, it was realized quite swiftly that it was ridiculous for Congress to budget spending, and then not allow financing of their own budgeted spending. And so after just a few years, the Gephardt rule was created so that the debt limit would increase automatically if Congress budgeted spending that required financing in excess of the previous limit.

This is quite obvious when you think about it. A budget resolution is a legal order to the executive to spend money on a certain thing. And if Congress orders the executive to spend money, and Congress is in charge of allocating the money to be spent, it is only natural that they increase the limit automatically to allow the executive to spend the money that they themselves ordered the executive to spend.

To hammer the point home: This has historically nothing whatever to do with Congress placing a limit on itself. The idea is ridiculous on its face.

Enter the modern political situation. The Gephardt rule was first waived by… can you guess? I bet you can guess. Go ahead. Take a shot at it. I’ll be happy to wait. I bet you can figure this one out.

Ah, yes, it was waived by the GOP Congress during the Clinton Administration. Modern politics. To be fair, they realized fairly quickly how dumb an idea it was. And also to be fair, both parties for a time played an empty game of kabuki with raising the limit, as I outlined in the previous debt limit thread. When it came down to it, neither side at the time viewed these games as anything more than a way for the minority party to gain some empty headlines. Yes, Obama played the game, too, and he was no better than the Pubbies when he did it. Completely petty, but harmless since nobody pressed the issue. For the longest time, both sides got their headlines, but neither side made the debt limit a matter of genuine intense negotiation, because of how fucking crazy that is.

That is, until now. Democrats took Congress again, and again they instituted the Gephardt rule. If Congress ordered the executive to spend money, then Congress would automatically allow the executive to raise the money. The GOP Congress revoked the rule, again, when they took office. And now they’re using a ticking bomb, a financial bomb of unknown strength, as leverage for their negotiations. We know essentially nothing about what might happen. We can hope the thing is merely a squib.

Now we are where we are. Legally, it’s a mess: Congress previously told the executive that they cannot raise any more funds than x. And then, just a little bit later, the current Congress, including the GOP House, ordered the executive to spend more money in excess of x. The executive has been given two apparently contradictory orders. They are legally bound to spend money, and also legally bound neither to tax nor to borrow the money they are legally bound to spend. They can neither swim, nor fly, to the Forbidden Isle. And yet they have also been ordered to pick a flower from the Forbidden Isle. An added twist: Some members of the House GOP have been threatening to impeach Obama if he doesn’t manage to do what they’ve told him he’s not allowed to do. That’s how these “negotiations” have progressed.

To top it all off, the most rabid partisans are actually congratulating the GOP for this utter depravity.

A little knowledge is a dangerous thing. You are more or less accurate on many things toward the beginning of your statement, albeit with a generous dose of spin. Then you go completely off the rails. Let me cut to the chase:

Complete and utter nonsense. Totally factually wrong.

A budget resolution is not a legal order to do anything. A budget resolution is not law, and you are owed an apology from whomever it was that told you this.

Also, the power to tax, the power to spend money, and the power to issue debt are separate powers under the Constitution. The directive to spend money is no more a directive to issue debt than it is to raise taxes. What you propose here, in that appropriations are implied directives to issue debt, has never been the case in the history of the United States and has no legal basis whatsoever.

You have the history completely wrong. The Gephardt Rule was not started to address a constitutional problem of matching expenditures to revenue, it was born out of political expediency. Congressmen didn’t like having to vote on debt separately than the budget, as they saw it politically embarrassing. That’s it.

Your understanding of the Gephardt Rule appears to be one question deep. Let’s make this perfectly clear: the Gephardt Rule would have no bearing whatsoever in this current debt dispute. Zero. None. It would mean nothing.

That’s because the Gephardt Rule only applies in the House, and it is only activated once both chambers of Congress agree on a non-binding budget resolution. There was no budget resolution last year, and the Senate has not passed a budget resolution, so there is zero prospect of the Gephardt Rule ever being invoked even if it was in place.

Do you know what the Antideficiency Act is?

Let me just add one more thing: I’m on the Democratic side here. The Tea Party Republicans are just flat wrong on this issue, and it could cause a huge crisis. But your version of the facts are woefully inadequate.

Terrorism is universally defined in the way you prefer, except in all those places that don’t define it the way you prefer. I’m curious now what your definition of “universal” is.

You start with a premise that the definition is ridiculous. Then you argue that the definition is ridiculous, because hey, that’s your premise. Way to go, there.

I can settle on “legal extortion”.

There’s not an expert on earth who thinks this could possibly be a good idea.

Predictions range from “maybe it won’t be that bad” to “it could be really fucking bad”. Only the degree of awfulness is open to dispute. That’s not hardball politics. That’s a moral travesty. Every other example you “cite” doesn’t even remotely compare. Breaching the limit won’t result in any hope for a gain, at a risk for loss. If this happens, there is guaranteed loss, worldwide, of unknown magnitude. This is not a bloody business negotiation. We’ve seen wars start as the result of deep financial crises of the past. Hardball politics is just a way of saying you don’t care who burns, as long as your side wins.

I can’t see a single true word in this.

The debt ceiling was raised about once a year under Bush, not three times in six months. The vote history is in the other thread. The Demmies played games. The Pubbies played games. W wasn’t unique. You make some sort of magical deal about the Demmies under W, but Secretary Rubin, under Clinton, was the first Treasury man who had to start toying with government accounts because the then GOP Congress was dicking around with raising the limit. Naturally, you fail to mention that. Only when the Demmies do it does it hit your radar.

But hey, the GOP at the time raised it. It didn’t hit the red line. No problem. We’ve hit the soft limit before, where the debt limit has technically been reached but accounts could still be fudged for a couple months. That’s nothing new. What’s happening right now, right bloody now, is new. What they’re reaching within a week is the inability to even move money around, which previously Rubin had room to do. The GOP under Clinton eventually raised the limit, just as the Demmies raised it later under Bush. They didn’t force negotiation on the point until the ledgers could not longer be twisted any further. They just straight-out raised it after they got their headlines. Absolutely nobody, on either side, made a hard negotiation to the wire on the debt limit increase.

No one was crazy enough to do it until now.

Congress goes to Treasury and says: “You can’t tax any more, and you can’t borrow anymore.” Treasury says… “okay?”

Congress then goes to Treasury a little later and says: “We order you to spend money on more things.” Treasury asks: “How the fuck are we supposed to do that?”

They have been ordered to spend money that they have been ordered not to raise. How is that not ambiguous? What exactly are they supposed to do? On preview, I see that another poster is bringing up this issue.

This at least is true. I apologize for falsely putting words in your mouth.

It’s from reading, not from people. Misreading, at it seems.

I accept the correction.

Are you saying, then, that the law is – despite the flabbergasting apparent contradiction above – fully clear? Treasury has no legal authority to borrow, period? Even given the budget that passed both houses and was signed by the president, Treasury is quite clearly legally unable to borrow to fulfill that previous passed budget?

This, you misunderstand.

I didn’t imply that legally. I implied it logically. I’m the one who’s been saying that the law is ambiguous, remember. Treasury has apparent orders to do two things that don’t go together.

And the point of mentioning the Gephardt rule is that it is the House GOP, specifically the Tea Party contingent, that is the problem. The Senate hasn’t passed anything, sure, but the Senate is also, occasionally, the more mature body than the House. The standing political assumption – perhaps incorrect, but still the main belief right now – is that they’d pass on through anything reasonable that reached them. Statewide candidates require more funding, which means they have closer Wall Street and other business connections. All the current political worry currently stems from the House Tea Party contingent, not the Senate.

Can someone explain to me why the deficit was not out of control until 2008? We had the Bush Tax Cuts, that Medicare part D thing, and two wars which added huge spending sums to the deficit with a burden on the nonwealthy, and yet we didn’t see a huge deficit until the economic collapse.

  1. Why did tax revenues plummet during the crash?

  2. Where did most of the spending come from in terms of recession safety nets once the shit hit the fan?

  3. Is Bush to blame for a lot of the deficit, since most of the spending came from his term in office?

Fair enough, and unlike your buddies here, I’m honest enough to admit that those low poll numbers have as much to do with unemployment and high energy prices as they have to do with the current debacle.

But the uber-short term trends certainly could be chalked up to his bullshit partisan games and inability to get a deal done.

PS Fantastic post 378, Sam

Yes, without question, without hesitation, without a second’s worth of doubt, the government has not a scintilla of justification to issue additional debt beyond that which is authorized by law.

Let me back up and explain: the power to borrow, the power to spend, and the power to tax are not the same power. They are dealt with in separate parts of the Constitution – just look at Art I Sec 8 and 9, and you will find that each power is primarily found in different clauses. If a law was passed to increase taxes, the executive has no leave to say that it implies that there may be additional spending. If Congress passes an appropriations bill, that does not imply that taxes may be raised to generate those funds. We could even plainly see that if Congress declares war, that does not imply permission for the Executive to take a blank check to spend whatever it wants to carry out that war.

So why on earth would we presume that a law to spend money implies the power to spend money? There is a black-and-white limitation in Title 31 of the US Code which clearly states, to the precise dollar amount, how much debt may be issued.

Believe it or not, this is not the first time that a legislative body has approved contradictory or confusing laws. The courts have found a number of principles on how to interpret ambiguity in statutes. One of those guidelines which seems to clearly apply to this situation is that specific statutes trump general statutes.

Since the debt limit is a specific provision of law – as specific as one can possibly be – it is a clear violation of that principle to propose that a direction to spend funds implies an obligation to borrow funds. A general or implied direction in the law cannot override, rewrite, or disregard a specific direction or limitation that is also in law.

But here’s the rational take on the situation: the Congress is charged with various fiscal responsibilities under the Constitution. If Congress fails to responsibly discharge those powers, it is not constitutionally allowable for the Executive to relieve Congress of those duties – just like if Congress doesn’t like the way a President is running a war, it cannot simply step in and take command of our soldiers based upon the peril of the President’s unwise decisions. Separation of powers works both ways.

The Constitution places upon the Congress the burden of figuring its way out of this mess. To the extent that Congress fails to do so, perhaps even to the point of violating the 14th Amendment to the Constitution, then that is a failing of the legislative branch of government.

Make no mistake about it: it is the constitutionally responsibility of Congress, as a body, to fix the problem. If the ridiculous, dangerous, and stupid views of the most extreme members of the House of Representatives prevail and the nation goes into default, how could one possibly say that they are upholding their oaths to carry out their constitutional responsibilities?

One more thought - just dug up your Messiah’s vote against raising the debt limit in 2006, quoted online in a right-wing Tea Party publication.

Ouch.

He now says it was a mistake. I guess his views on the debt limit are ‘evolving’.

Then to Sam Stone: I was wrong on this point. The law is, exactly as you said, not ambiguous here.

Tax revenues always plummet in a recession.

Taxes are designed to take a slice of current economic activity. When economic activity drops, the tax slice of that activity also drops. Meanwhile, government spending is dictated by law, which means it tends to follow its previous trend. With spending increasing – both based on trend and with an increased burden on social services – and tax revenues dropping based on the weak economy, that’s a recipe for deficits.

You’d have to do some number-crunching to try to find the specific increase in the cost of social services, as compared to trend.

But with revenue down and spending up, you can bet that the majority of increased spending is debt financed. That is, when they’re allowed to issue debt.

That has been argued in the past. And it’s not just spending, but also previous tax cuts that are blamed.

Personally, I blame the recession much more than the graph indicates, based on the political changes that would happen. We could take more action in the budget if we weren’t so worried about budget busting measures contracting the economy.

In contrast to conservatives, who believe the same thing on Wednesday as they believed on Monday, no matter what happens on Tuesday.