OK,
I’m afraid we’re now talking at cross-purposes. Just to clear up one possible area of confusion, I’m under no illusions as to the intensity of bin Laden’s hatred of the US, or the lengths to which it has, and will, drive him.
And I agree that teh only actions likely to change his mind about the US are ones which cannot in conscience be taken, or even considered.
But, I do not believe that wilful ignorance of his motives and perceptions beyond teh “He hates us a hell of a lot” stage is of any benefit to the US, or to the “West”, for lack of a better term.
Some of my questions you answered by saying they were operational issues. And yes, they are. And a good answer to them could lead to greater success in our operations. But they can still only be answered by reference to his motives and perceptions. For example, would it be, operationally speaking, a good idea to station reserve troops in Mecca? There are strategic issues involved here, obviously, but you might also consider the effect of this on bin Laden. Certainly, it would infuriate him. Would he now be more likely to order a strike against teh US reserve barracks? Would he, in fact, be provoked into doing something which exposed a part of his organisation to capture or destruction? We don’t know. But, I would submit, we should.
The blanket assumption that “we are, always and everywhere, at risk from attack”, while true, gives no information about how to defend from that. Money can only be spent once. Units can only be posted in one place at a time. Resources are not infinite. Some means of evaluating the risk posed to different areas and installations is necessary. Certainly nowhere is safe, but some places are more dangerous than others. For example, why did the terrorists attack New York and not, say, Kansas City? Because, from teh motives and perceptions of an anti-US terrorist, New York is a more symbolically important target. Cannot that analysis, simple as it is, be used to evaluate the threat to other areas of the US? Equally, while any humanitarian aid outfit in Afghanistan would be at risk, one staffed by US citizens would, quite probably, be at more risk. So should US citizens be permitted to provide humanitarian aid services in Afghanistan? Does it needlessly increase the risk?
As you say, there will be no period when we can consider ourselves safe from attack but, I submit, it would be possible to take actions which would provoke ObL to accelerating his schedule of terrorist activities, or to ordering new ones. The difference between, “They have done X? Well, when our next attack is launched, they shall know the error of their ways” and “They have done Y? Strike them now, this instant.” is a pretty serious one, and it would be good to know when we have crossed that line.
AMR