What are the tenets of "anti-globalism"?

Collounsbury" “I did not say Stiglitz was badly informed, I spoke to the movement.”

Oh I see. So you get to define who is and isn’t part of “the movement” as well as to criticize “the movement” so defined. Well, that’s exactly what I meant when I said that it must be fun to be argue with artificially concocted strawman!

Okay, so would this strictly extra-“movement” Stiglitz be the same Joseph Stiglitz who tours college campuses and development conferences giving speeches such as this one from January 2000.

An excerpt:

"Today, there is growing recognition that the objectives of development go beyond simply an increase in GDP: we are concerned with promoting democratic, equitable, sustainable development. If that is our objective, then it is natural that we should pay particular attention to the issue of how the plight of workers changes in the course of development; and we should look not only at their incomes, but broader measures—at their health and safety, and even at their democratic participation, both at the workplace, and within the broader political arena. Workers’ rights should be a central focus of a development institution such as the World Bank.

The same Joseph Stiglitz whom Salon characterized in a 2000 headline in this fashion?: "The World Bank cuts its ties to the economist who became an unlikely hero to world trade protesters."

Well surprise, surprise, Collounsbury. Many of us who dare to criticize the status quo actually get our information from economists, development policy experts, and journalists who read them. Influential economists such as Stiglitz and Amartya Sen have been very effective in raising awareness about problems with the globalization status quo. So have journalists who write for publications such as Atlantic Monthly, American Prospect, The Nation and, occasionally, newspapers such as the New York Times, all of which publish reviews of books by Stiglitz, Sen and other experts as well as articles and commentaries informed by their ideas. To suggest that such knowledgeable figures are somehow a thing apart from “the movement” as you choose to define it is the very height of strawmanism.

Stiglitz btw has a rather more generous opinion of the Seattle protests than you. From the Salon article above:

"The protests, which Stiglitz thought were “quite successful,” challenged [the] pact of silence. News media coverage of the protests “focused on the broader message: that what is at issue is a question of values, of democratic processes, and how partly because of the absence of democratic process, decisions were made that jeopardized the livelihoods and even the lives of many of the world’s poor.”

Foolishness aside, even if Stiglitz were somehow oblivious to his influence on “the movement,” anyone who reads his book can see the support it provides for many of the criticisms one frequently hears.

For example:

*"In Globalization and Its Discontents Stiglitz bases his argument for different economic policies squarely on the themes that his decades of theoretical work have emphasized…

The implication…is that **free markets, left to their own devices, do not necessarily deliver the positive outcomes claimed for them by textbook economic reasoning that assumes that people have full information, can trade in complete and efficient markets, and can depend on satisfactory legal and other institutions. As Stiglitz nicely puts the point, “Recent advances in economic theory”—he is in part referring to his own work—“have shown that whenever information is imperfect and markets incomplete, which is to say always, and especially in developing countries, then the invisible hand works most imperfectly.” **

My point isn’t of course to uphold Stiglitz as some kind of infallible god. The above excerpt, in fact, comes from the same book review that Kimstu posted above which, as she has already made clear, describes perceived limitations as well as strengths of Stiglitz’s arguments.

The point is though that if we are to have debates about globalization–and I’m happy to do so–we might as well dispense with the pretense that, both on and off these boards, we’ve got a difference of opinion between titans of expertise (you) and blundering ignoramuses (those who disagree with you).

The most ironic thing about Stiglitz’s book from this point of view is its critique of the IMF, which Stiglitz sees as being staffed by well-meaning ideologues who ignore empirical reality in order to implement textbook abstractions that often do more harm than good. In other words, Stiglitz says much the same thing about the IMF that you say about “the movement.”

Believe me dear Collounsbury, if you are exercised by real-life examples of unhelpful obstructionism by NGOs et al., I’d be genuinely interested in hearing about them. But if all you can contribute to this debate is rancorous ad hominem directed at the strawman “left,” and cheerleaderish huzzahs for the invisible hand, then I’m afraid you are the one with the dew in his eyes and I’ll thank you check your smug tone and nasty temper at the virtual door ;).

And where are they getting these higher wages from? I agree completely that we need to get the 3rd world higher wages. What I disagree with is that you can legislate them. You want the workers to be safe? So do I. You want to achieve this by passing worker safety laws. I want to achieve it by making the 3rd world so productive that they can now afford to spend some of their surplus wealth on safety.

You cannot legislate wealth. You can only create it. If you force a country to pass social safety laws to be able to trade with you, before it is wealthy enough to afford the cost of those programs, you will simply raise the cost of doing business in those countries to the point where their productivity doesn’t pay for the investment - and then the investment is gone. Or, the country starts digging up the money through borrowing or taxing the citizens - which they can ill afford.

That’s why I find most anti-global protestors so frustrating. Scratch the surface, and you find a mismash of obsolete ideas and socialist philosophy that is not what the 3rd world needs right now. It needs some hard-headed business people to go in there and start investing their own money in these places. Stop making it so damned difficult for them.

Sam: “I want to achieve it by making the 3rd world so productive that they can now afford to spend some of their surplus wealth on safety.”

And what gives you the impression that many of these countries are not productive now? This post suggests that you don’t really understand what has happened to labor under the present globalization process.

To be very simplistic: let’s say that the Jones Company which used to pay $12/hr for factory labor in the US outsources its labor to a factory in Mexico where it pays $2.50/hr. The costs of this move are quickly absorbed by the drop in wages. In fact there is a large net gain in profits which, let’s say for the purpose of argument, goes directly into the pockets of the top Jones executives in the form of a raise. Now 3 years later Jones finds it can hire Chinese labor for .50/hour. Once again, net gains are pocketed by Jones executives.

In such a scenario there is no lack of productivity on the part of Chinese labor or Mexican labor: on the contrary, there is great productivity, only most of it directly benefits Jones executives instead of workers, either foreign or domestic.

Now let us say that Jones is in the business of manufacturing kids desks and that Jones workers in the US used to consider it a point of pride to buy these desks for their own kids. But Mexican workers could never afford to buy Jones desks, and Chinese workers still less so. Yet Jones execs already buy all the desks they need. So Jones has actually shrunk the pool of available buyers for its desks even as its executives have been handsomely rewarded for reducing costs. Desks are chepaer to produce than ever but, even if some of that is passed on to the consumer in the form of lower cost, there are still fewer people who can afford to buy them.

In the meantime, the foreign workers’ wages are kept artificially low b/c they have no political rights, and there are are few or no laws to mandate their safety, or safety to the environment. Who benefits from this scenario in long-term?

"If you force a country to pass social safety laws to be able to trade with you, before it is wealthy enough to afford the cost of those programs…"

The idea is not to force any individual country to pass safety laws that it can’t afford; the idea is that a basic level of safety needs to be mandated so that Jones executives cannot pocket the costs of occupational or environmental safety as extra income to themselves. Obviously if one country has safe labor practices and another doesn’t, the unsafe country can attract investors more successfully; and if one country allows child labor and another doesn’t it can attract investors. That’s exactly how jobs that created middle-class incomes in the West have gone to places where it provides a subsistence.

Now, yes, that subsistence might be very necessary to a “liberalized” country where indigenous industry no longer exists and/or has been sold off to or replaced by foreign investors. But that does not change the fact that this country, say Mexico, can be further out-competed by an even cheaper and more repressive country: say, China.

In effect, profits that accrue to a small number of Westerners are being syphoned away from what had been the prosperity of the workers who manufactured these products. At the same time, the number of people who can afford to purchase the products has declined. This is an inherently unstable situation. And you can see it in the form of trade deficits, recession and (some fear) a longer recession or even a depression to come.

“That’s why I find most anti-global protestors so frustrating.”

Possibly not half as frustrating as I find your posts–which, pardon me, don’t seem at all clued in to empirical reality. That’s not to say that I don’t sometimes hear dumb things said by protestors of one stripe or another. Only that advocates of the status quo aren’t necessarily more illuminating. They often sound a lot like the people in the nineteenth century who said that the 10 hour day would destroy industry. That it was impossible to profitable without child labor. These people were just wrong.

Again Sam, no one is trying to “legislate” wealth as opposed to “creating” it. The idea is to make sure that the wealth that is “created” gets distributed in a more equitable–and productive–fashion: not only for the sake of human and environmental wellbeing, but for the sake of the global economy itself.

In one of your earliest posts you boast that you earn more than the minimum wage, and have more vacation time than is mandated. In your view, therefore, regulation has done “nothing” for you personally.

This is an incredibly wrongheaded way of understanding an economy which cannot be analyzed from the isolated vantage of one single worker. It does not occur to you that because the kid who makes your sandwich is paid a minimum wage that he can save up for the stereo that the Korean company manufacturers, or the computer game that the California company produces, or for his master’s degree which will prepare him to provide a specialized service and earn a middle-class income. It doesn’t occur to you that the maintenance worker whose vacation time is mandated benefits, say, Walt Disney World, or the local motels and restaurants somewhere in a Canadian vacation land.

“It needs some hard-headed business people to go in there and start investing their own money in these places. Stop making it so damned difficult for them.”

Gosh Sam, this is terribly naive. What do you think is going on right now? Regulation doesn’t have to involve soft headedness. Stop spouting such undigested rhetoric.

Why don’t you take a look at the book review that Kimstu posted which provides an outline of Stiglitz’s critique of the neoclassical economic model. (It also provides a critique of Stiglitz’s critique, so there’s something in it for you).

Well, my dear Mandelstam, I am sure that you are able to grasp the idea that something in the aggregate may characterized in a manner that does not cover every single fucking member.

As to whether Stiglitz is a “member” of some diffuse movement, well, that’s a bit of a moving target.

So, no, you don’t bloody see.

Aside from your actual straw man, that I called the man “strictly extra movement”, not a bad speech for all that he makes a number obs on Asian practices and results that I do not believe are emperically supportable per his conclusions drawn re utility, but I am not an Asian specialist. Frankly a number of points of speculation are entirely unrealistic - guaranteed min incomes in context of child labor for example.

If getting the information means parroting in a half informed manner, I may grant that.

I believe we have covered in the past the issue of Sen and whether Sen argues what you think is argued.

Bullshit. I see no problem differentiating from some isolated cases of real information and a vast body of protestors and “activists” pushing from frankly ignorant and stupid prescriptions, using fine but economically meaningless terms like “fair trade.”

He’s entitled to his opinion. It’s wrong and more to do with his internal feud with WB, but hey, that’s his issue.

Yes, and? Is this supposed to be news to me? Did I claim markets were perfect or that sub-optimal outcomes are not possible. No, I did not.

However, it is an issue of balance and clear and rational cost-benefit analysis in regards to market intervention or not.

I wwould add that the research, such as in behavioural economics, a real favorite of mine, hardly contains a serious argument for massive government intervention. It tweaks and deepens, in the cases where we can begin to draw conclusions, the basic premises.

Well, then start advancing informed arguments.

I am well aware of Stiggy’s axe grinding re IMF. Overdrawn charicture of of course a human institution. Mitakes have and will be made, but then it is hard to agree on the nature and depth. 98 Asian crisis, his main focus as I recall, I believe it remains unclear how to apportion blame.

Real life fucking examples? Now, let me point you to something Krugman covered in regards to this “movement” from a fine little article back in April 2000, noting the distortions and outright fundamental misunderstanding that this “movement” displays. “Activists” were pimping the World Bank sponsored ‘destruction’ of the Mozambican cashew nut processing industry by forcing the removal of export tariffs. Krugman helpfully looked into the actual facts of the case and the actual distribution of interests – I note in advance that the story spun by the anti-globalization folks resembles the same ‘just so stories’ they spin about NAFTA and the like. The facts in the matter were Mozambican cashew nut producers were obliged to sell to domestic processors by punitive export tariffs, from which processed nuts were exempted. Prevent world market prices from reaching farmers and forced them into captive relationship with the domestic producers. WB conditionality forced the removal, brushing aside the argument that of industrial development as the tax forced a very much larger number of farmers into a captive market relationship with an oligopoly, as I recall, and a small number of this formal sector workers interest. Typical, as Krugman noted, of the political economy of developing nations.

The policy prescriptions asked for by this “movement” are backwards and foolish and betray a piss poor knowledge of the structural issues in developing nations.

Well, maybe you can provide something more than vague, hand-waving but economically illiterate text for me to play off of, for I am not a cheerleader of the invisible hand, I’m an informed practical and pragmatic fan of free markets.

To illustrate what I refered to above regarding the illiteracy of the arguments and its just so nature:

Rather the contrary, your response indicates you do not understand the terminology nor the facts.

First, productive is not a value judgment. It’s simply that somewhat hard to capture but terribly useful metric that captures per worker output by unit of time. A metric that allows you to compare, however roughly, the efficiency of any given set of labor. It is not a statement that one set of workers or another are bad, it is a statement that given a certain production process (or set of processes or aggregate economic system) and a certain amount of capital and a given management (or system in the aggregate, depending on how one might want to scale the analysis. American workers (in the aggregate) are more productive than Mexican workers, for every work hour they produce more output. These rough figures are available on national bases and by sector etc.

I believe I suggested before to you that before running off into critiques, you might be very well served to acquire a basic level of knowledge in the field. If I have not, let me do so now, since your understanding of what Sam wrote (and indeed whatever you have read) is rather clearly deficient in this area.

Let’s look at your example and analysis if I may grace it with those words:

Well, doesn’t this display a firm command of business and economics.

Simply moving to lower per labor unit cost countries does not mean an immediate jump in net profits, nor do executives just get to pocket that. Of course, you will protest it’s just an example, prejudicially worded. However, to understand how this works let’s not just let this slip by.
Certainly the cost of shifting production may be paid back quickly, but we add in lower productivity per worker (what Sam was getting at: more work-hours to get the same level of production, maybe bec. of training, processes, work ethic, management, work style or all of the above or some part), higher transport costs, higher risk associated with riskier environment

Primo: the first part of your statement is simply completely missing Sam’s point and utterly misunderstands the economics. “Great productivity” is a meaningless term – although it is clear that you only understand this in this fuzzy manner – relative productivity per working hour is the metric, the statistic. Part of a larger equation of cost.

Secundo: your airy assertion that there is no benefit to the foreign workers is just that, an airy assertion. We don’t know from this mythical example what the benefit may or may not be for the relevant facts are not in place. More labor demand paid at competitive wages ceteris paribus will eventually lead to higher wages for labor, and I further note in the case of areas with large amounts of surplus labor and new labor force entrants, even if wages do not increase, downward pressure – which shows up even in the cases of legally mandated minimum wages by the emergence of informal labor markets and informal employment that escapes legal controls – is alleviated. At least it does not get worse. In the aggregate, rising national wealth if it increases faster than rate at which new entrant come to market benefits the workers.

Now of course there are real distributional issues, and the degree to which elites can manipulate labor markets to ‘rob’ workers of some of the gains is a real problem, but one that exists with out any globalization – as does the issue of labor market pressures and stagnating economies. Far worse.

Your assertion, in this fine little leftists’ tale of the Big Capital capturing all the gain is not borne out by the development experience in Asia – for all that as I note there are real issues regarding distribution, but those exist ex-globalization and have never been shown to get better in autarky.

Again, a nice little lefty tale, but abstracts away from several points: (a) Any one company’s employees do not represent a significant market for a product (b) Employees can and do shift to other industries, as our own economic past has shown © Trade creates other opportunities, as again the entire history of the US reflects, even in the last decade (d) if the market for desks goes away, well Jones’ rapacious Capital Exploiters are going to go the fuck out of business, so they lose too. I am sure you will come back positing that somehow this semi-equilibrium tale is realistic, that in the aggregate this story makes sense. Do so with real econometric support, not just so tales, because I have volumes here that say otherwise. Now some sectors lose, import competing workers do lose, exporting workers gain, etc. That’s the dynamic of creative destruction, and it ain’t always pretty and fuzzy and warm, but in the long run all the evidence says it works better than other models.

In short, this is just the sort of tale that Krugman – yes I do recall you like to cite Krugman on domestic things – a real live trade economist likes to mock for its illiteracy. It’s the classic old Left tale of why free trade was bad. And it remains as wrong as it was in the past century.

I don’t knoiw, you’ve woven a just so tale out of nowhere. Come back with some real data, some economically informed argument with good econometric support and we might, might have something to talk about.

Well, what is basic safety? What are the institutional frameworks that are so portable?

Nor is it at all obvious that labor regulation differentials and the like “attract” investors. Again, come back with econometric studies on this, not simple minded assertions. Certainly not child labor for Western investors.

I frankly do not have the stomach to respond the rest. All I can say is you have no basis to lecture Sam on empirical reality nor advise him to read something in economics.

Collounsbury: “As to whether Stiglitz is a “member” of some diffuse movement, well, that’s a bit of a moving target.”

First, let me remind you that it’s you who insists on lumping together everyone into a “movement.” Yet you are, of course, entirely capable of making distinctions between what kinds of criticisms you do or do not approve. Indeed, what would be the debate otherwise?

“I believe we have covered in the past the issue of Sen and whether Sen argues what you think is argued.”

I’m not sure that our memories will tally on this point. But for the purposes of this discussion what is relelvant is that Sen certainly would not say that his view of what development ought to be has been implemented in any kind of satisfactory fashion. Ergo things still need to change and Sen’s numerous works still provide valuable analyses of what form such changes should take. So far as I can tell, you are not arguing for any kind of change: you are simply involved in a (largely rhetorical and wholly undifferentiated) assault on those who call for change.

"I see no problem differentiating from some isolated cases of real information and a vast body of protestors and “activists” pushing from frankly ignorant and stupid prescriptions, using fine but economically meaningless terms like “fair trade.”

Good: then you can start, from this point on, to drop the bluster and begin the substance of the debate. What frankly ignorant prescription would you like to contrast to the “isolated case” of a critique such as Stiglitz’s. What of Stiglitz’s suggestiosn would you wish to retain, and what not? More broadly, do you see the need for change of any kind and if so what?

As to “fair trade” of course it’s a slogan; but so is “free trade” a slogan. Roughly speaking free trade means an end to tariffs, subsidies, regulatory mechanisms and protections. In the real world it has never existed. Roughly speaking, fair trade is meant to counter the myth of free trade by emphasizing the benefits of certain kinds of regulation.

Personally, I don’t care whether the slogan is used or not–I certainly don’t need it. The idea is simply to avoid conveying the impression that critics of the status quo are somehow necessarily "anti"globalization.

“* [Stiglitz is] entitled to his opinion. It’s wrong and more to do with his internal feud with WB, but hey, that’s his issue.”*

Well that’s not the opinion of any of the reviews I’ve so far read of the book, including the ones that were fairly critical. OTOH, I can’t claim to have read every review, and you are certainly entitled to your opinion, any number of reviews notwithstanding. The question for me really is how persuasive is your opinion? So far it amounts to a categorical dismissal, and I’m hard-pressed to see why so unsubstantiated a dismissal, simply because it is yours, is authoritative.

"I wwould add that the research, such as in behavioural economics, a real favorite of mine, hardly contains a serious argument for massive government intervention. It tweaks and deepens, in the cases where we can begin to draw conclusions, the basic premises. "

Well that’s probably going to remain a fundamental difference between ourselves. I have little confidence in the ability of behavioral economics to determine what kind of policy is best to implement on questions of development and trade. The conditions under which the decisions are being made, and the number of actors involved in making decisions is beyond the capability of even very sophisticated modeling. OTOH, I have an open mind, so if you want to provide a specific example of what behavioral economics has recently recommended for the developing world, I am all ears.

"Did I claim markets were perfect or that sub-optimal outcomes are not possible. No, I did not. "

Actually, your carte blanche support for some of Sam’s less nuanced pronouncements did convey that impression. But no matter.

"However, it is an issue of balance and clear and rational cost-benefit analysis in regards to market intervention or not. "

Indeed, which is why arguing in the absence of specifics, beyond a certain point, is just a rhetorical exercise–and in this instance a rather pointless one.

“98 Asian crisis, his main focus as I recall, I believe it remains unclear how to apportion blame.”

Also Russial. Unfortunately, I read this book last year and, as I’m out of town, don’t have it or my notes handy and hence can’t reference it (or anything else of mine not on the internet).

“Real life fucking examples? Now, let me point you to something Krugman covered in regards to this “movement” from a fine little article back in April 2000, noting the distortions and outright fundamental misunderstanding that this “movement” displays. …”

So this is what it comes down to? A three-year-old debate about the cashew nut in Mozambique. Well, I’ll spare you further rehearsal and trade you Krugman’s critique of the cashew protectionists for his critique of IMF policy in Argentina.

An excerpt from Krugman’s 2002 column on the subject:

"*Argentina, more than any other developing country, bought into the promises of U.S.-promoted “neoliberalism”… Tariffs were slashed, state enterprises were privatized, multinational corporations were welcomed, and the peso was pegged to the
dollar. Wall Street cheered, and money poured in; for a while,
free-market economics seemed vindicated, and its advocates weren’t shy about claiming credit.

Then things began to fall apart… [W]hile Brazil bounced back [after crisis in Asia], Argentina’s recession just went on and on.

…[T]he International Monetary Fund - which much of the world, with considerable justification, views as a branch of the U.S. Treasury Department - was utterly unhelpful. … [T]he I.M.F. could
have offered Argentina guidance on how to escape from its monetary trap… Instead, however, I.M.F. officials - like medieval doctors who insisted on bleeding their patients, and repeated the procedure when the bleeding made them sicker - prescribed austerity and still more austerity, right to the end."*

I.e., a similar story to what Stiglitz tells and, as you yourself note, from an economist who has often written in strong support of aspects of liberalization.

So we’ve got IMF failures in Asia, Russia and parts of Latin America. We’ve got two prestigious economists, Stiglitz and Krugman describing a serious problem–as yet unaddressed.

And then we’ve got your opinion that Stiglitz is motivated by personal issues and–so far as I can apprehend your reasoning–that since some activists may have been wrong on the subject of cashews, any criticism of the status quo must be invalid. :confused:

“I note in advance that the story spun by the anti-globalization folks resembles the same ‘just so stories’ they spin about NAFTA and the like.”

You mean like this kind of spin on Mexico?

From an article in the American Prospect

"The business interests that promoted the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) have gotten their money’s worth. Since…1994, American and Canadian corporations have moved production and jobs south to take advantage of cheap Mexican labor. Subsidized agribusinesses in both northern countries have blown small-scale Mexican farmers out of their local markets for corn, wheat and other commodities. Eighty-five percent of the Mexican banking system is now foreign-owned. Mexican production, meanwhile, is moving to even lower-wage countries [i.e., especially to China]. And the Mexican business partners who brokered these deals got rich."

I’ve read lots of stuff on Mexico, esp. about the decimation of its middle class, that I have no access to at this moment but, I wonder, do you have a different account to offer?

“The policy prescriptions asked for by this “movement” are backwards and foolish and betray a piss poor knowledge of the structural issues in developing nations.”

Well I’m pleased that you’re now joining me in placing the word “movement” in scare quotes–since the supposed monolithic nature of this “movement” is indeed a construction of yours rather than an existing reality. Some policy prescriptions called for by some involved in criticizing the status quo may indeed be “backwards and foolish.” But your own cited economist, Krugman, likens the IMF to medieval doctors, and Stiglitz makes a powerful case for their “piss poor knowledge of…structural issues” at least when it comes to applying one-size-fits-all prescriptions to specific cases.

“Well, maybe you can provide something more than vague, hand-waving but economically illiterate text for me to play off…”

What text was that? Stiglitz’s speech? The review of his book by a Harvard economist writing in the New York Review of Books (posted by Kimstu)?

“…for I am not a cheerleader of the invisible hand, I’m an informed practical and pragmatic fan of free markets.”

I’m glad to hear it. You see Collounsbury, I have no desire to discredit you, or to dismiss the information on which you base your assumptions out of hand. I’d genuinely like to hear more about what your day-to-day experiences working with investors in the Middle East has taught you about issues of globalization and development.

On my side, I consider myself to be “an informed, practical and pragmatic fan” of a balance between free markets and sensible regulatory policies geared towards long-term economic wellbeing. I find much evidence in some extremely authoritative sources for largescale problems with the IMF and other aspects of the status quo. You criticize the critics in wholesale terms; yet you provide almost nothing by way of substantive rebuttal. So you’ll have to pardon me if in my estimation most of the hand-waving here appears to be yours.

But perhaps we can dispense with the pissing contest rhetoric?

(I should add though that no matter how amicable this debate becomes, I may have to drop out at a moment’s notice. I’ve already written one more long post than I had planned to.)

Well, Collounsbury, I just read your 7:58 am post for the first time and all I can say is, thanks for going on at such length to show that what I explictly offered as a “very simplistic” heuristic device was, um, a…very simplistic heuristic device. :wink:

FTR, I fully understand what productivity is–duh!–and I know very well that there costs associated with shifting labor overseas (yet it sure happens an awful lot!!!). Further, I certainly know that executives don’t get directly to pocket net gains achieved through reduced labor costs (hence my explicit hypothetical “let’s say for the purpose of argument”).

Again, let’s put the needless arrogance aside and try to engage in more constructive exchange. Here, in that spirit, are a few replies.

  • Absolutely Western workers tend to be productive due to their education etc.; and you won’t find me or anyone else I suspect arguing that a more skilled workforce is something the developing world also needs. Yet the fact remains that labor costs are so very much lower in China–as little as 20 cents per hour according to this 2001 Nation article–that companies such as Boeing use human labor for lifting in lieu of the machinery they would use in the US. (The hourly wage is $1.50/hour in Mexico according to the same article).

  • “your airy assertion that there is no benefit to the foreign workers…”

I made no such assumption–in fact, I specifically said that even a subsistence wage is often a great boon in developing countries. My point was only that until wages rise well above subsistence that such workers cannot be significant consumers in the global economy. And they certainly can’t contribute at the levels that their counterparts in the West once did. This is a rather obvious and, I believe, uncontroversial point.

  • “Now of course there are real distributional issues, and the degree to which elites can manipulate labor markets to ‘rob’ workers of some of the gains is a real problem…”

Precisely. Which is why you might easily have agreed with the gist of my post instead of taking such a unnecessarily hostile approach. Note too that I didn’t say “rob”–because the point I am making is so obvious and so widely corroborrated that there is no need to resort to inflammatory language.

  • “…but [a problem] that exists with out any globalization – as does the issue of labor market pressures and stagnating economies.”

Yes, but then I am not arguing that the answer to the problem is to halt globalization. Here, btw–since his name was raised in a previous post–is what Amartya Sen has to say on a related issue.

“Even if the poor were to get just a little richer, this would not necessarily imply that the poor were getting a fair share of the potentially vast benefits of global economic interrelations. It is not adequate to ask whether international inequality is getting marginally larger or smaller. In order to rebel against the appalling poverty and the staggering inequalities that characterize the contemporary world–or to protest against the unfair sharing of benefits of global cooperation–it is not necessary to show that the massive inequality or distributional unfairness is also getting marginally larger.

and

“A crucial question concerns the sharing of the potential gains from globalization–between rich and poor countries and among different groups within a country. It is not sufficient to understand that the poor of the world need globalization as much as the rich do; it is also important to make sure that they actually get what they need. This may require extensive institutional reform, even as globalization is defended.

  • “Any one company’s employees do not represent a significant market for a product”

Earth-shattering!

[sub]Sorry, but I coudn’t resist providing just one example of how charmingly condescending your posts can be :wink: [/sub]

  • “if the market for desks goes away, well Jones’ rapacious Capital Exploiters are going to go the fuck out of business, so they lose too.”

Right–which, once again, was exactly my point: no one benefits from this kind of scenario. And once again, let me note that I didn’t perceive any need to portray Jones and Co. as rapacious capitalist baddies. The points I’m stressing about the effects of “the race to the bottom” in labor costs are widely discussed without such foolishness.

“[Illustrate this type of scenario] with real econometric support, not just so tales, because I have volumes here that say otherwise. Now some sectors lose, import competing workers do lose, exporting workers gain, etc.”

Well I’m not sure which point you want me to illustrate. If it’s just that the globalization status quo isn’t working effectively to help developing nations to develop–and to turn the workers of developing nations into flush consumers–there’s a lot of evidence for that.

According to the Nation article cited above, even when Mexico was growing as an exporter after NAFTA, the economy itself was ailing: “Total foreign investment in Mexico actually fell, despite increased flows of financial speculation. …During the NAFTA years, the real incomes of Mexican wage earners lost 20 percent of their purchasing power as the labor market deteriorated, pushing many more workers down the job ladder.”

and

“In 1975 [prior to NAFTA] Mexican production workers earned 23 percent of US wages. They now earn 11 percent.”

You might want to look at this fairly recent paper from the Economic Policy Institute, which, among many other points, argues that, “Some of the most widely used economic models show that many developing countries will actually lose from trade liberalization in important sectors, such as agriculture and textiles.”

In Argentina, according to this paper from the Global Policy Network, worker productivity rose 50% between 1993-8. Yet “the share of income going to labor dropped from 35% to 28%,” during this period “while capital’s share rose from 65% to 72%. Moreover, much of this capital found its way overseas.”

As to the overall impact on the global economy: well there’s the question of the trade deficit itself, its impact on the US and other Western economies, and on the consequent ability of American and other Western consumers to consume at the needed levels.

The author of the Nation article sees a serious problem here: “[T]he killer question asked by critics, myself included, is whether [China’s readiness to underbid everyone else won’t end up] smashing the dreams of other striving nations, not to mention manufacturing in the high-wage countries. Too many producers, too few consumers in a global system where too many workers cannot afford to buy the things they make–that’s the central contradiction. The destructive qualities and repeated crises are sure to continue, critics would argue, so long as the system advances by this roving exploitation of labor and prevents developing countries from pursuing more balanced, albeit more gradual, strategies.”

I don’t feel either qualified or disposed to make predictions about the future–one can never tell what will happen and, in any case, I tend to be optimistic–but certainly few economists are complacent about the trade deficit.

“Well, what is basic safety? What are the institutional frameworks that are so portable?”

I do think that regulation will indeed vary to some degree regionally and also according to different industries and the hazards they pose–to the environment and to workers. One can’t simply impose one-size-fits-all programs–Stiglitz’s complaint against the IMF. The GPN paper offers suggestions for a strategy of cross-national labor cooperation, but still located mainly at the regional and even national level.

The Nation author suggests that NAFTA might be a starting point:

*"Obviously, the world is not ready for this (neither are Mexican and American politics), but the road to global reform has to start with a few like-minded nations willing to experiment with new terms because they see mutual self-interest in the bargain. A healthier, self-sustaining Mexico would be a lot better for the United States than a cheap-labor export zone that makes a few people very rich but survives on the backs of desperate immigrants and drug smugglers. …

The relationship would borrow a lot from the European Union’s economic integration of rich and poor nations ranging from wealthy Germany to low-wage Portugal and Spain. The European Union delivers substantial aid conditioned on democratic standards and labor rights, implicitly encouraging rising wages in the poorer countries. The poorer countries enjoy the considerable trade advantages extended exclusively to EU members. A North American union, in addition to North/South development aid, would require concrete legal obligations: If US taxpayers are asked to invest in Mexico’s future, US commerce cannot be allowed to enjoy NAFTA benefits, then pick up and leave whenever it sees fit."

It seems likely to me that change will come incrementally–as it did in the West. But that doesn’t mean that change shouldn’t or won’t come.

I think, overall, Sen has an extremely reasonable position on this, as I hope you’ll agree:

*"[C]an those less-well-off groups get a better deal from globalized economic and social relations without dispensing with the market economy itself? They certainly can. The use of the market economy is consistent with many different ownership patterns, resource availabilities, social opportunities, and rules of operation… And depending on these conditions, the market economy would generate different prices, terms of trade, income distribution, and, more generally, diverse overall outcomes. The arrangements for social security and other public interventions can make further modifications to the outcomes of the market processes, and together they can yield varying levels of inequality and poverty.

The crucial role of the markets does not make the other institutions insignificant, even in terms of the results that the market economy can produce. As has been amply established in empirical studies, market outcomes are massively influenced by public policies in education, epidemiology, land reform, microcredit facilities, appropriate legal protections, et cetera; and in each of these fields, there is work to be done through public action that can radically alter the outcome of local and global economic relations."*

Note that on two basic points that I’ve been making all along, my position is identical to Sen’s:

"There is an urgent need for reforming [global] institutional arrangements–in addition to national ones–in order to overcome both the errors of omission and those of commission that tend to give the poor across the world such limited opportunities. Globalization deserves a reasoned defense, but it also needs reform."

and

"[T]he real issue is the distribution of globalization’s benefits. Indeed, this is why many of the antiglobalization protesters, who seek a better deal for the underdogs of the world economy, are not…really "antiglobalization."

Since you seem to respect Sen’s expertise, is it possible that you and I don’t really disagree about all that much as well?

Whoops–sorry for the overkill on italics. I did my best to proofread but must run!

You know, sometimes it’s nice to cut through the nuance and get back to fundamentals, especially when knowledge of the fundamentals seems so sorely lacking, and ‘nuance’ is really little more than drumming up mountains of complexity so that you can mask the fundamental truths behind free trade with a cascade of misleading statistics and handwringing.

Let’s talk about Mexico. Your links above paint a scenario of gloom and doom, mostly the fault of NAFTA. But I smell a few rats in the mix. For instance, alarm bells go off in my head with statistics like, “Mexicans used to earn 23% of American wages - now they only earn 11%”. That sounds to me like data mining to make a point, because the statistic is meaningless. Perhaps the economy in Mexico would have grown less without NAFTA, and the wage rate would be less than 11%. It’s possible that the American workers simply grew faster than Mexican workers.

That statistic is also misleading, because it implies that the standard of living in Mexico has fallen, which it certainly has not.

For example, there’s this report from The Conference Board,
(2000 report) which starts:

They also make the following points:

[ul]
[li]Household Income: Top 10% of earners account for roughly 40% of all income or consumption; lowest 10% accounts for less than 2%. 58% of all income or consumption is earned by a middle class.[/li][li]about 35 percent of all workers in Mexico now earn the minimum wage.[/li][li]While serious global and regional uncertainties have created a variety of economic and political problems over the past couple of years, Mexico’s economy has nonetheless fared better than those of most of the other Latin American countries and, indeed, much of Western Europe. It remains one of the continent’s fastest-growing entities, and is becoming an increasingly more attractive marketplace in which to invest. In 1999 alone, net foreign investment amounted to $11.6 billion, or roughly 15 percent of Latin America’s share, and double what it was before NAFTA. [/li][li]Unemployment in 1999 was only 2.5%, and Mexico at this time was expected to produce 1 million new jobs per year. Again, vastly outpacing the performance of other countries in Latin America.[/li][li]Per capita GDP income, which averaged $3,760 between 1992 and 1997, jumped to $4,565 in 1998 and $4,589 in 1999. It is expected to surpass $4,650 this year (2000), and accelerate thereafter. (2004 per-capita GDP: $7,704, roughly the same as Argentina, which is the best in all of Latin America). Per capital GDP in Mexico has doubled in the last 8 years.[/li][li]As foreign investment flows continue to multiply, especially from[/li]member countries of the EU with which Mexico has a newly-formed trade agreement, manufacturers may begin to experience shortages in skilled labor, making higher education and job retraining mandatory.
[/ul]

This last point is very interesting, because this is the leading indicator of major rises in wages and the standard of living.

And sure, as Mexico’s standard of living and average wage increases, it will face competition from countries where wages are lower. This is as it should be. Mexico will just have to compete like other countries do - improve the infrastructure, educate the populace, create more political stability, keep its economic house in order, etc.

Not quite the picture of disaster you painted.

Just a nitpick; the richest country in Latin America is either Uruguay or Chile, depending who you believe, both with a per capita GDP of about $9,000 - $10,000.

Really? The data I read showed Argentina as the richest country in 1999. Did things change since then?

Sam Stone: "You know, sometimes it’s nice to cut through the nuance and get back to fundamentals…

Well since your idea of a “fundamental” seems to be an absolute belief in laissez-faire, and your idea of “nuance” seems to be factual evidence that casts doubt on the latter, I think it would be interesting to test your hypothesis.

“…especially when knowledge of the fundamentals seems so sorely lacking, and ‘nuance’ is really little more than drumming up mountains of complexity…”

Sam, you may feel comfortable charging Nobel Prize winning economists such as Sen and Stiglitz with a “sorely lacking” knowledge of fundamentals. Let’s just say I do not.

As to complexity–let’s see if we can clarify things just a bit so that even a true believer such as yourself can grasp the empirical case against neoliberalism (i.e. the economic and policy dogmas currently applied by institutions such as the IMF in the name of “globalization,” “free trade,” et al.).

“Let’s talk about Mexico. …For instance, alarm bells go off in my head with statistics like, “Mexicans used to earn 23% of American wages - now they only earn 11%”. That sounds to me like data mining to make a point, because the statistic is meaningless. Perhaps the economy in Mexico would have grown less without NAFTA, and the wage rate would be less than 11%.”

First, no problem with alarm bells but second, no the data is not “meaningless”–though I understand that you’d like more data to interpret it. More nuance, not less.

On the first point–yeah, maybe Mexico would have done worse without NAFTA. Of course, the data suggests that they were doing better or the same prior to NAFTA in these areas–but there’s no way to know of course. In any case though, you’re now running head on into the fallacy disputed by Sen. Let me cite Sen again, just to refresh you:

Even if we were to assume–against the data–that without NAFTA real incomes would have declined more in Mexico than that they did with NAFTA, according to Sen:

**"Even if the poor were to get just a little richer, this would not necessarily imply that the poor were getting a fair share of the potentially vast benefits of global economic interrelations. It is not adequate to ask whether international inequality is getting marginally larger or smaller…

…It is not sufficient to understand that the poor of the world need globalization as much as the rich do; it is also important to make sure that they actually get what they need. This may require extensive institutional reform, even as globalization is defended."**.

“That statistic [about a decline in wages relative to the US] is also misleading, because it implies that the standard of living in Mexico has fallen, which it certainly has not.”

Implies it? I beg to differ. Let’s take a look at what you’ve found to prove the assertion that “standard of living” in Mexico has improved.

First, note that you cite a 2000 report, which **predates the full impact on Mexico of job losses to China and of continued recession in the US and elsewhere.

Second**, most of the data you provide testifies to rising exports (in the relatively flush pre-2000 period). The data I provided did not dispute that exports had risen. The gist of those data was that the benefits of rising exports were not proportionately shared by the Mexican workers so that their real incomes/purchasing power declined. So let’s see if anything you say here disputes that…

“Household Income: Top 10% of earners account for roughly 40% of all income or consumption; lowest 10% accounts for less than 2%. 58% of all income or consumption is earned by a middle class.”

Well here we have no comparative info for the pre-NAFTA period. But we do have is evidence that the top 10% consumes only 20% less than the rest of the entire country combined: 40% for the top 10 as opposed to 60% for the rest of the country. I suspect that were to see actual figures rather than percentages we would thus find that a very generous definition of “middle class” is being used to define the 80% of people who are neither in the highest or lowest 10%.

In fact some of your own evidence suggests it.

“about 35 percent of all workers in Mexico now earn the minimum wage.”

Well considering that the minimum wage in Mexico fell steadily during this period, it’s hard to say whether this isn’t actually very bad news for the so-called “middle class” that’s lumped into the 80% figure above.

According to the GPN’s report on Mexico:

"Despite GDP growth trends, income distribution has changed little" and household income inequality is (and has been) “extremely high.” In other words, within that middle 80% cited in your link, there’s a lot of variation with the bottom half of the middle looking a lot more like the very bottom than like the very top or even the top of the middle.

More important,

"Over the 1990-1999 period the labor income of wage and salary employees fell steadily. The minimum wage-which is set each year by official unions, employers, and the federal government-lost almost 50% of its purchasing power in the last decade."

So again–a serious decline in real income and, consequently, adverse distributional affects on what is supposedly a boon to Mexicans at large. And all this prior to recession and job losses to China. Hence, rising living standards? Maybe for the top 10%.

From your link:

“While serious global and regional uncertainties have created a variety of economic and political problems over the past couple of years, Mexico’s economy has nonetheless fared better than those of most of the other Latin American countries and, indeed, much of Western Europe. It remains one of the continent’s fastest-growing entities… In 1999 alone, net foreign investment amounted to $11.6 billion, or roughly 15 percent of Latin America’s share, and double what it was before NAFTA.”

Again, no one disputed that investment/exports/GDP increased during the NAFTA period–at least until 1999. The point is that the benefits of that growth were not broadly distributed in terms of real income–a point that makes the comparison to Western Europe, where average people already enjoy a high standard of living, rather tendentious.

Now let’s take current circumstances into account:

From the GPI report (which brings up to 2001):

"During 2001, the Mexican economy underwent a slowdown that lowered the rate of GDP growth to an estimated -0.3%. …As a result, per capita GDP fell.

…Despite the recession, which normally would be expected to improve the country’s trade deficit, Mexico’s structural dependence on imported inputs produced a trade deficit in 2001 that was greater than it had been in 2000.

…The prospects for 2002 are grim, particularly in terms of job creation, at least during the first three quarters of the year. GDP is expected to grow about 1.5% during 2002, but any delay in the recovery of the US economy could make the actual much lower."

From your link:

“Unemployment in 1999 was only 2.5%, and Mexico at this time was expected to produce 1 million new jobs per year.”

Ah yes, but what kinds of jobs and how is unemployment being measured? As always the devil is in the det…, um, nuances ;).

GPI’s report on unemployment is very detailed, with discussion of how official figures are stressing frictional unemployment while there are other kinds of unemployment and underemployment that are more distressing and are either being missed or underplayed by official figures. Overall…

“[T]he low unemployment rate in Mexico disguises the much deeper problem of precarious, poorly paid employment faced by a large share of the Mexican workforce. The prevalence of insecure, low-productivity jobs is reflected in the large number nonwage jobs in Mexico. These jobs are concentrated in very small economic units (i.e., those with less than five workers), including single-person establishments. In general, these establishments have extremely low levels of investment and low productivity, and not surprisingly, the average incomes paid tend to be low.”

As to rises in average per capita GDP income, emphasized by your link, as Paul Krugman is fond of pointing out, averages are completely misleading figures when there are huge inequalities between an elite top and a large middle/bottom. To borrow his example, when Bill Gates enters a bar, average income shoots up a great deal ;).

Also from your link:

“As foreign investment flows continue to multiply, especially from member countries of the EU with which Mexico has a newly-formed trade agreement, manufacturers may begin to experience shortages in skilled labor, making higher education and job retraining mandatory.”

Well that would be very nice and I’d love to see it happen: but there’s absolutely nothing beyond wishful thinking to suggest that it will. Obviously higher ed and job training is of crucial importance to any country’s development–but under the neoliberal status quo such training is left to the vagaries of the market where, in countries such as Mexico, it has yet to deliver. At the same time, we have plenty of unemployed skilled workers here in the US who are now working in Walmart. We even have high-tech professionals working in the Gap according to a much-cited article in the New York Times. Some of those unemployed and underemployed skilled workers could use retraining too–but the market is not delivering it.

“And sure, as Mexico’s standard of living and average wage increases, it will face competition from countries where wages are lower. This is as it should be. Mexico will just have to compete like other countries do - improve the infrastructure, educate the populace, create more political stability, keep its economic house in order, etc.”

How exactly is Mexico to do that by market forces alone when the Chinese are keeping their wages at .20c/hour and the Mexican wage has already dropped to $1.50? Note that the Chinese are not following neoliberal policies–issues of political repression aside, they are also highly protectionist, and they subsidize wages in various ways to keep them this low. Perversely, Chinese prosperity, under these circumstances, is responsibile for most global gains in antipoverty, and largely because China is not following neoliberal prescriptions.

So I’d say you might need to rethink your so-called “fundamentals” which, to me look a lot more like blinkered fundamentalism. And I’d say you need all the nuance you can get.

“Not quite the picture of disaster you painted.”

“Disaster?” I certainly didn’t use that term. This seems to me like the kind of rhetorical overkill that has plagued this thread from the start. Any call for change–no matter how reasonable or empirically well-founded–is chalked up as an overreaction. Yet the irony is that it’s often the defenders of the status quo who inject the histrionic rhetoric into the discussion–perhaps because there’s so little hard evidence in favor of keeping things exactly as they are, and so much evidence to suggest that reform is needed.

Remember, neither I nor anyone I’ve cited to support my position is against trade or globalization. We simply recognize that the market itself has not–either historically or in recent times–delivered the kind of distribution effects that lead to a healthy global economy.

As an economics major, I’ve done some coursework with Lucas on international trade theory and transition economies. I don’t have nearly enough expertise to participate in a debate, but I’d like to throw out some book recommendations, if I may.

First, Barriers to Riches, by Stephen Parente and Edward Prescott. It’s a (mathematical) exploration of the differences in per capita income between the First World and the Third World.

Another is William Easterly’s The Elusive Quest for Growth: Economists’ Adventures and Misadventures in the Tropics, an exploration of modern international growth theory mixed with his observations and examinations of what he saw and dealt with while at the World Bank.

A third is *Argentina and the Fund: From Triumph to Tragedy by Michael Mussa. Mussa is a former IMF Chief Economist, and here he addresses, well, what went wrong in Argentina and how the IMF can prevent such catastrophes.

Thanks tiggeril, for the interesting recommendations. (I suspect you have more than enough expertise to participate should you ever wish to do so.)

First, in regards to NAFTA issues I point to this thread where I locked horns with Kimstu over the fairly piss-poor analyses that underlie most of the anti-globalization “movement’s” blithering about NAFTA, also linked therein was a thread on some of the legal claims in re NAFTA, and discussed something of the reality behind them:
http://boards.straightdope.com/sdmb/showthread.php?threadid=68548&highlight=NAFTA*+global*

I also note Mandelstam repeats the same vague confusion as in this thread from 2002:
http://boards.straightdope.com/sdmb/showthread.php?threadid=136942&highlight=NAFTA*+AND+global*+AND+trade*

Simple heuristic device my ass, it was an all too typical display of economic illiteracy in the form of a “Just So” story replete with wrong-headed distortions regarding actual real life decision making on production siting and equally unlearned misunderstanding of the meaning of productivity, since it was intended as a reply to Sam’s observation.

No, you very clearly do not understand what productivity is in the context of economics, otherwise you would not have written that utter tripe as some kind of attempt at a rebuttal to Sam’s very correct observation regarding different levels of productivity and the relationship between productivity and wealth. Sam’s observation he wants to see more productivity in order to see increased wealth was precisely correct. The only way aggregate wealth increases, ex-Manna from Heaven things like sudden oil finds (and this is generally not wealth generating so much as rents) is higher per worker productivity. Making more with less inputs.

Shifting production overseas – not labor, production – occurs for a number of reasons, but of course because it is (net) cheaper in the aggregate. Why the fuck else would I do so? One does not go to higher cost (in the aggregate) areas to produce. But note wel the lower cost versus higher cost goes to overall cost basis, not just labor. Depending on the product, labor may or may not be the cost driver, that is among the most significant costs. Transport, marketing, material inputs etc. all are also quite important, and recall further than when we look at costs and profits, it is on a discounted basis, higher risk means a higher discount rate (however one wants to calculate that) which means lower perceived future profits from a project.

Needless arrogance? I’ll adopt a milder tone when you stop blowing smoke. You make unsupportable and economically illiterate claims, and you want me to take them seriously?

Once again, you don’t get it.

$.20/hour doesn’t tell me much. Doesn’t tell me about inputs, doesn’t tell me about operating costs, doesn’t tell me about transport costs, doesn’t tell me about ‘hidden costs’ (such as ceding ownership or ‘side payments’ to CP apparatats), and doesn’t tell me how productive those Chinese workers are.

The key question is what do I get for that $.20/hour.

Lower per worker productivity means more workers to do the same thing, ceteris paribus. The same production process that may take 10 workers in the US might take double or more in a developing country, with lower levels of quality control – more wastage etc. Just taking $.20/hour and waving it around like a fucking flag only says you don’t understand the issue.

It is not merely worker education that is the issue, it’s a whole framework of productive relations, of habits and ability to adapt to new processes. Sometimes this is mere habit, other times it may be deeper cultural issues, usually some combination of both. Skilled workforce is only part of the equation – and investing too much too soon before other supports are in place is often a bad idea. Education is fine thing, too much education is a wasting asset. Higher worker productivity for a country like Egypt, for example, is not likely to depend on suddenly educating a work force (for what work?) already extent, but improving processes, instituting better work habits and quality controls, etc. Management certainly is a key part of that process.

I further note that in situations like in China where there is clearly more labor per unit capital than in the developed world, it is eminently logical and appropriate to use labor in place of capital machinery. Indeed an error one often sees in the developing world is to substitute rare capital (machines) for plentiful labor for non-economic reasons – wanna be like the big boys.

You did indeed make assumptions, and the above includes such – “subsistence wage” and the assumption wages in developing countries are below some undefined subsistence generally and that globalization is the driver. The same old Left response of legislating something rather than working with the market. The above is an entire string of unsupported over-generalized assumptions.

As to their “contribution” to consumption, well that all depends. It is indeed a controversial point as you fix your “analysis” on one particular point in a spectrum of productive ties – the mythical “workers” of the old style blue collar part – and not the myriad other choices.

So, yes, Chinese labor may be cheap on some quoted nominal cost basis. That’s one part of the equation, the real key information is found in the productivity, which indicates how much wealth effort generates, per unit.

Continued:

No, I do not agree with the gist of your post because it is tendentiously wrong. While I will readily agree that there are imperfections in the market for employees, with certain classes of workers (not just management) to do better than others, and for management and owners to do better than workers. For that I completely support collective bargaining – when it is not captured by politics – and readily grant that the process is imperfect.

However, in granting that, I do not grant that your tendentious rendition of the process was an accurate and appropriate rebuttal to Sam. Quite the contrary, if I have to choose between the two points of view, I will choose Sam’s – for all it’s perfections, the freer market works better than the controlled market, nor do I believe, from first hand observation, that institutional capacity in the developing world in gross (ex-middle income) is appropriate for all but the most basic regulations. Regulation tends to encourage rent seeking behaviour, and in the developing world with weak state and national identities, this tends to be severe.

Very fine sentiments Sen has, very fine. The problem is, and here I speak as a practitioner, the devil is in the application. I readily grant, as I have in the past, that the playing field is not level, and that it can and should be evened out. It will never be level – that’s a romantic fantasy – but many of the asymmetries may be able to be leveled through the WTO and similar efforts.

The 10,000 meter high view is all well and fine but does not get to the means. “Fair share” and all this is all well and fine but what do we really mean in the end, if it means legislating in the style of the past, of “fair trade” based on standards that are nothing more than dressed up protectionism with mandated uncompetitive wages, then why not just teleport back to the 1970s.

Then don’t provide stupid, economically “heuristic” just so stories.

No, not your point at all. First, you presume and indeed assert a race to the bottom. Provide me some good empirical econometric evidence for this. My readings indicate that it is not at all clear there is any such thing at all.

Ah, the lots of evidence claim.

What I want is good econometric evidence of this “lots of evidence” – not skewed just so stories and similarly skewed anectdotal tales, I want econometric evidence.

For your future reference, I consider the Nation to be of the same citation quality as the National Review. On such matters neither is anything more than ideological comic book. I do not intend to waste my valuable time rebutting the Nation’s illiterate tripe. You may peruse the linked thread quoted at top for further views to NAFTA effects, roughly two years old but I doubt the situation has changed so very much. When I said econometric evidence, I meant econometric evidence.

Provide me with citations to reputable analyses, not partisan think tanks.

GPN, working people blah blah blah. Again, good econometric data, not leftist blah blah blah site spin. Nice, balanced peer reviewed stuff. I don’t have the time to waste with this sort of shit, I used to do so in the past, I don’t see a reason any more, the spin is irritating and it time consuming for me to waste me time refuting spin.

Well, for sport let’s look at what is provided: worker productivity rose 50%, and share of income to labor dropped roughly 10% - however overall income rose in this period, did it not? So, again we have the sleight of hand of juxtaposing numbers but without any real context or meaning. Did the productivity of non-labor factors increase – perhaps – is that data clean? Perhaps. As far capital flight, well again, this is nothing to do with globalization per se, capital flight was severe from the developing world since the 1970s at least.

The information provided again is not particularly revealing or even particularly coherent. Nor do I have a context within which to judge this – noting I do not find through that link the source of the information and am disinclined to search around and waste my time.

Roving exploitation of labor……

Whatever. There are real deflationary pressures from a serious structural imbalance at present between supply and demand. However, I find it …. I don’t know how to describe the passage. “Destructive consequences of repeated crisis” – well since we live in the real world of uncertainty and unstable human frailties, I am afraid that no matter what system one has, there will be repeated crises – apparent stability has a way of simply storing up problems until they burst. I see no coherent statement to respond to.

The trade deficit is neither a good thing or a bad thing, per se. The size it has reached is clearly not sustainable in the long term. At present that is in part driving an adjustment in the dollar, although of course this implies some rather serious adjustment. In the short term, as was discussed in my thread on this issue, there are some real and serious risks. However, such is life, life has risks, so do economic adjustments.

Cross national labor cooperation? Give me a fucking break, that is a bloody crock. An anachronistic and almost amusing were the suggestion not serious, crock. I would further argue that the degree to which IMF has a one size fits all approach per se is exaggerated. They come in with a menu of standards to be sure, but negotiations are made and in the end depending on the situation, so are adjustments. Certainly Argentina saw real (and wrong imo) climb downs by the IMF vis-à-vis the Argentina government.

Well, in any event, we get to the nub of the problem, aside from ridiculous pie in the sky international ‘workers’ cooperation suggestions, what real policy suggestions are there? “Standards” Fine and dandy, then you get back to my observation, it’s something locals have to work out, and not with a bunch of clueless Western “activists” pimping inappropriate standards in guise of “fair trade,” or nouveau protectionism as I think of it.

Posturing.

This is pie in the sky rubbish. The EU is a specific program with a specific cultural and historical framework, including the fact there is no hegemonic presence. A North American “Union” has none of the same. None, zero, nada. The power structure, the historical relations and everything that goes with it all make a North American Union nonsense. It is an entirely inappropriate and even absurd to look to it as a model.

Yes, it should, incrementally. Which is really my point of view and Sam’s as well. It does not, however, jibe well with this “movement’s” precepts.

Fine, all well and fine, nothing specific however, and all perfectly in keeping with the market argument.

Indeed, market outcomes are so influenced, that says nothing as to what policy mix is appropriate for any given moment in any given situation.

Well, Sen is a leading economist and obviously far more qualified than I to speak to the field of economics. As to the area of policy prescription, well the devil is always in the details. What I do not agree with is your reading or approach to the issue.

Regardless, this is quite enough as I see we will go round and round the posy with you dealing with economics on ‘literary’ basis.

Collounsbury, I must agree that there is hardly a sentence in your last two posts worth my replying to at length.

I will, though take exception to this particular mischaracterization of my point of view:

“…for all it’s perfections, the freer market works better than the controlled market…”

If you re-read my posts I think you will find that I was not calling for a “controlled market” in opposition to a “freer market.” My position–which recognizes that markets are always regulated to a greater or lesser degree, that not all kinds of regulation are desirable, and that many options are possible–is identical to Sen’s, and I suspect that yours is as well.

Rhetorical appearances to the contrary, we both basically agree that the real challenge is a more equitable and sustainable distribution of prosperity, that regulation of some kind is a necessary component of achieving the latter, that growing trade deficits are signs of attendant instabilities. As one approaches the question of how to go about reform–what to regulate or otherwise reform, to what extent, and at what scale–the devil is, of course, in the details.

We could possibly have a good faith discussion about “the devil”–i.e., the kinds of debates likely to arise around these questions of reform once the need for change is acknowledged. But that would require a very different tone than is presently possible here–or, for that matter, is ever likely to be possible so long as you are so determined to exacerbate the (relatively small) differences in our fundamental assumptions.

Since most of my posts have been composed of direct citations or paraphrases drawn from the work of economists, I haven’t got a clue what you mean by my “literary” approach. I do read a lot of books and when the books in question happen to be written by well-known economists I consider them authoritative. I am, however, always willing to discuss the strengths and limitations of individual books, reports, etc. If you don’t like the evidence provided on Mexico et al. by either GPN, or the Nation, cite your own, by all means. As my reply to Sam, will, I believe attest, I’m perfectly willing to consider the merits of analyses predicated on someone else’s research. You claim to be in possession of decisive econometric research of some sort–yet you neither cite it, nor even attempt to describe its specific contents. Just about the only economist you cited in even the vaguest way was Krugman who–notably–has considerably changed his position on the status quo. “Blah, blah, blah”–one of your more articulate replies in what’s above ;)–about summarizes the substance of most of your rebuttals.

In any case, even if you were willing and able to take the proverbial chill pill, Collounsbury, I am, as I’ve already said, swamped with work, and will be going offline just about any day now as I await a momentous event :).

El Kabong, I think you’ve gotten a pretty idea, via various cited figures, of what some influential and highly-qualified people are saying about the globalization status quo and why it needs reform. I think you were right to put “anti-globalism” into scare quotes, and I hope that the next time round, all who have read this thread with an open mind with recognize that, with very few exceptions–and many of those coming from the right rather than the left–most critics of the status quo are not against globalization per se.

Except that the poor countries beg to differ. The protestors are not the people in poor countries but the idle in wealthy countries who want to tell the rest of the wolrd what’s best for them. The poor countries want the jobs open markets will bring.

Of course poor countries want jobs, sailor, but what makes you think that the typical protestor doesn’t want them to have jobs? Also, what makes you think that the typical person in a poor country is happy with things exactly as they are?

In the recent Evian meeting, representatives of several developing countries were invited to take part–a measure taken in response to prior protests. Now putting aside that the participation may have been cosmetic, and that Chirac’s intentions may have been cynical–do you think that people in poor countries disdain the opportunity to represent themselves as much as possible?

Well, the typical protestor claims those poor people in thrid world countries would be exploited and would lose theuir culture etc. Except that those people in thrid world countries want those jobs. Have you seen many atiglobalization protests in poor countries? I haven’t either. The typical person in a poor country is not happy with things as they are and wants more globalization, not less. But kids in rich countries believe that’s not good for poor countries so they go out and riot and destry other people’s property. I guess that proves something in their minds but I don’t follow the reasoning.