What is the constitutional basis for private prisons?

On what legal authority can a private person hold another in custody?

Traditionally, the state convicts a person and then carries out the sentence. So I am not questioning whether the state has the power to keep a person in custody. The warden and guards of a penitentiary are state actors, not private persons.

But how is a state able to delegate its custody to someone else? Is it simply an emanation of the state’s plenary powers? Have their been any lawsuits that address this?

Please, stick to the legal question and not hijack about the utility of private prisons. If it matters, I’m most interested in the state of California, but answers for other states or other English law countries would be interesting as well.

You seem to have a legal theory in mind that adds some extra step that’s not actually here. It’s up to a state how to run its prison system, if it wants to authorize a company to operate a prison instead of creating and staffing a state agency, it just does so under the same power that it has to keep someone in custody. There’s no constitutional prohibition that says that a state must operate prisons, police, roads, fire departments, courts, and other ‘governmental’ functions as direct agencies of the state, and there’s a ton of precedent for not doing so - school police, railway police, private security, private roads, volunteer fire departments, abjudication companies, all exist routinely, and beyond that almost all police departments and jails are created and operated by their county or city, not directly by a state. I’m not sure what grounds you’d try to file a lawsuit against the practice, and it seems like a successful lawsuit would completely disrupt the majority of law enforcement operations in the US.

I believe it’s a general principle that if the Constitution, or other legal authority, doesn’t mandate a specific action (e.g. “the state must directly operate prisons”) or prohibit a specific action (e.g., “the state must not engage a private company to operate prisons”), then the state can take action as it sees fit.

So, the state can spend its tax dollars to build and staff prisons according to its regulations or can spend its tax dollars to hire an outside entity to do so according to its regulations. What difference does it make?

I have multiple legal theories in mind. I want to know what’s the right one.

You are stating that the answer to:

is yes.

Yes, that is the general principle. Does it apply in the case of private prisons? Has it ever been litigated?

In one case, the warden is a state actor and cannot be directly sued for their actions in that capacity. In the other case, the head of a private prison is contractor, not a state actor, and could be sued directly for their actions in that capacity.

Yeah, virtually all functions of a state government could be done by private contractors barring any prohibition in the State’s statutes or constitution. There’s absolutely nothing in the Federal constitution that would have much to say on it in almost any situation.

While it’s “more flashy”, States routinely have farmed out work to private contracts for generations. Lots of state governments for example no longer employ very many cafeteria or janitorial workers in their buildings, having outsourced most of them to contract firms/vendors. That’s not real news because most people don’t care who runs the employee cafeteria at a state office building or who is emptying the cubicle trash cans, but it’s not legally different from prisons.

Notably however, someone incarcerated has certain legal rights. Private prisons can’t be an end run around any of that, so the State still has to regulate them to a certain standard. For example, constitutionally Virginia can’t hire a private prison company that then knowingly does things like say, beat prisons with clubs every day for the hell of it, throw up its hands and say “hey, we just pay them to house them, it’s not our problem how they’re treated.” Since Virginia has legal requirements about the treatment of prisoners, if it was extremely derelict in its regulation of private prisons that could raise constitutional claims and result in expensive lawsuits and etc. Note that is different from a private prison that is reasonably regulated by the state, but where some abuses occur–abuses occur in state-owned prisons as well. The State usually doesn’t get in excessive trouble for one bad guard doing something he shouldn’t, it’s when such a guard gets away with it for years due to poor oversight, supervisors ignoring reports of misbehavior and etc.

Some corrections personnel at ‘state’ (ie including county and municipal) prisons and jails are ‘civilians’, as opposed to sworn law enforcement officers. And ‘private prisons’ often have state employees supervising prison operators’ employees. It’s hard to imagine a valid constitutional distinction in authority to carry out the state’s power to imprison just based on who signs the employee’s paycheck, or who owns the building.

Not to go off on the tangent of efficacy of the policy, possible grounds for constitutional challenge would seem to come from the practical result of the policy in particular cases as implemented relative to prisoner’s rights, not on the high level basis that ‘civilians’ can’t carry out the state’s power to imprison.

The state at all times it acts through its agents. The short answer is that there has never been a great deal of constitutional significance attached to whether those agents are a group of individuals or a group of individuals who have organized themselves into a corporate entity.

Put another way, when you say, “the state carries out the sentence,” that’s a legal fiction. The state has no arms and legs and cannot do anything to imprison people itself. Under any circumstances, it has to hire individuals to imprison people on its behalf. There may be legal differences attached to whether those individuals are called employees or contractors, but those differences generally arise from state or federal statutes, and not the constitution.

Why wouldn’t it?

Note that bail bondsman can routinely carry out many aspects of law enforcement: entering homes, arresting and holding bail jumpers, etc. All as private individuals. This is a quite old practice.

I don’t think you’re going to find any historical basis for purely state/local run prisons in the US constitution. The situation back when it was written was quite different from today in terms of imprisoning people, bounty hunters, etc. Many people in “law enforcement” were very much part-timers who made money on the side arresting, transporting people, etc. They would not have generally seen themselves as public employees. Just private citizens making a few bucks.

If anything, a constitutional scholar from the 1790s might be surprised that there is such a high percentage of people in public prisons.

Prisons period, in fact, would be strange to 18th century sensibilities. Facilities to detain prisoners of the state are ancient, but the modern prison has its roots in the early to mid 19th century.

Before then the concept that part of one’s “punishment” for a criminal act would be ending up locked in a facility, in which you’d be fed and housed by the government, for a fixed term of years, would not be the norm.

Before the modern prison system being convicted of a crime basically then required a few things:

  1. Something be done to deter others from committing your crime
  2. Something be done to invoke retribution for the bad thing you’ve done
  3. Something be done to provide some degree of equity for the victims of your crime

These three things were typically accomplished by a few different means, chiefly: execution for serious crimes (this included far more crimes than today or recent history), flogging and other physical corporal punishment, shaming punishments (stocks and such) and fining. Once someone had been flogged or fined or both, the idea that it made sense to keep them locked up would’ve been foreign. It was generally viewed that being flogged and having to pay a fine was a strong disincentive to commit future crimes, and thus society was protected because you wouldn’t want to do so again.

Of course, many flogged criminals would go on to re-offend, there was also a system of “branding” where you’d get branded if you committed certain serious crimes. If you were re-arrested for a serious crime and found to have the brand, any level of mercy the court might extend you would be withheld since you’d been previously punished. Infamously the British soldiers who fired into a crowd in Boston (the “Boston massacre”) were convicted of manslaughter in lieu of murder (but still a capital offense), branded on the thumb, and released. In theory had they been re-arrested for any further crime the fact they’d already been branded and convicted of manslaughter, but spared execution, would make it much more likely they’d be punished very harshly.

It wasn’t nearly as common in America as it was in Britain, but a form of banishment also existed, when you’d be forced to leave the jurisdiction in which you’d committed your crime. In Britain these deportations were infamously larger scale, with Georgia and Australia serving as some of the destinations used to export criminals.

Probably the precursors to what we’d think of as modern prisons would be the “poor houses”, “poor farms”, “debtor’s prisons” and the concept of penal servitude. These all have similarities. A poor house / poor farm was a work facility or a farm in which indigent persons who couldn’t pay debts, or who were just so poor they couldn’t feed themselves and were looking for a form of help would go to, in exchange for room and board (very meager by any standards, then or now) they had to work pretty backbreaking menial labor in long shifts. They could largely come and go when not working so it wasn’t incarceration. While often used for the poor, it wasn’t uncommon for indigent criminals who couldn’t pay fines to end up “working it off” in such a place.

Debtor’s prisons were often indistinguishable from the poor houses/poor farms, except that you’d end up in one because you could not pay a debt. You’d have to stay until you had “worked off” what you owed. A single facility might house debtor’s, indigent poor, and criminals or civil defendants working off a court ordered fine or civil judgment. Notably while early forms of county governments often ran these facilities, they were often also private ventures, with their operators hoping to find a way to turn a profit on their free labor (basically they could do so if the value of the work product exceeded the value of the room and board, thus the reason for the extremely poor conditions in such facilities–Dickensian in fact.)

Penal servitude was very similar, except that you’d be turned over to a private individual to work for them, the arrangements varied. Sometimes you might be in penal servitude to a person you owed a civil judgment or a criminal restitution to, other times you might just be “rented out” to pay off a fine or such.

While some forms of poor houses/farms and debtor’s facilities existed up until the 20th century (remember there was no social welfare at all in the 19th century America, so grim as it was a poor house could be your only option if you were facing starvation, and many areas didn’t have them so you’d be lucky to have one you could go to in that context), by the early 19th century as part of the criminal justice system it started to become less common. As a form of criminal punishment these facilities had issues. For one, implicit in all of them was the concept that you cared about working off money owed so you could return to your life as it were. Some of the indigent poor preferred to just leave town and seek prospects elsewhere, and these facilities weren’t really designed or staffed to be “secure”, so there was little to stop them from just leaving. Resources for tracking them back down were pretty scarce. In that era unless there was a bounty reward there wasn’t a lot of incentive for anyone to track someone down who had just fled a very small criminal judgment.

Yet just about every Western has a scene where the Sheriff rounds up locals to form a posse to pursue an outlaw. He swears them in as deputies, and off they ride. (And that’s not just a movie invention – there are historical reports of it. Like the gunfight at the OK Corral, or Billy the Kid in the Lincoln County War).

I think the relevant part is that they are no longer a private person, but an agent acting with the authority of the government. Whether a cowboy riding in a posse, or a hired guard at a private prison, or even a hired TSA agent groping you in an airport – they are acting on behalf of the legally constituted government.

If guards and wardens can be hired as “state actors” in your description of a legally okay scenario, why can’t another company be hired as a “state actor”?

Thanks for the answers, everyone.

That is my question, except I worded it as “can” instead of “can’t”. :smiley: