lalenin, thank you for the research. Unfortunately, I wasn’t able to get it to open, nor was I able to find it via the home page (all sub-pages of which take forever to open), but I’ll take your summary for discussion purposes.
As you recognize - and kudos for having the intellectual honesty to say it - this report suggests there’s not a bunch of extra money floating around today that The Regime could have trickled down to the people if it cared about them. So, that no addtional value has trickled down doesn’t tell us much about whether they care.
Also, there’s a wrinkle which occurred to me today thinking about this which cuts both ways, i.e, against your position and against mine. Today, unlike the economy with Soviet subsidies, there are capital investments which have to be serviced. That is, some of the money made has to be paid back to the investors who funded, e.g., the hotels and telecommunications infrastructure. That’s money not available for trickle down, even were The Regime inclinded to use it that way. This cuts against your position, because it means the economy, on a net basis, is worse off. It cuts against mine because this would continue to be true, even get worse, if sanctions were lifted and borrowing were increased.
Further, there’s the obvious problem that planned economies have a poor track record. Partly because they’re not efficient at figuring out what stuff to produce (politics intrudes), partly because they’re not good at motivating workers (your payment experience is an excellent example) and partly because the distribution of income tends to be skewed in favor of the planners. So, even if the embargo were lifted, there’s no assurance the Cuban economy would be developed productively, nor that such development would benefit the people.
Even with these reservations, I submit that the case for lifting the embargo is compelling. First, it has failed in its purpose of destabilizing The Regime and there’s no reason to believe it ever will succeed. On the contrary, as you acknowledge, it indirectly supports The Regime by giving it a scapegoat. Second, at a minimum, lifting the embargo would enable Cuban-Americans to visit family freely and to send aid. Neither actually solves the problem, but both would be good things. I suspect that were it possible to take a vote of the Cuban people on whether to end the embargo, most would vote yes, mainly for these two reasons. Third, I accept that lifting the embargo won’t necessarily improve the economy. Indeed, for the reasons just mentioned, it might have no effect at all (especially as experienced by the people). But, it might work, and the possibility that lifting the embargo might help the people - as against the certainty that it accomplishes nothing (except giving The Regime a scapegoat) - is good enough reason to drop it. Fourth, looking at it from a strictly selfish American perspective, this policy is an international embarrassment. Repeatedly condemned, for example, by hugely lopsided votes of the UN General Assembly. Dropping the embargo would be a small step towards saying we respect world opinion.